‘It Is Easier To Fight for One’s Principles Than To Live Up to Them’

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We need more Anglo “Word of Mouse”…

 

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(Anti-)Orthodox

The media always seems to miss the big story about Orthodox Jews.


I was turning the pages of a popular Jewish periodical when I got to the book review section. I inhaled deeply and thought, here we go again. The review focused on a new memoir about the author’s rejection of his Jewish religious upbringing and how he found happiness at last in a life liberated from the shackles of Orthodoxy.

I could hardly be surprised. With very few exceptions, the only memoirs published in recent years that have had the word “Orthodox” associated with them and that have captured significant media attention have been anti-Orthodox, written by people who left their communities in pain and sometimes, bitterness.

I have great sympathy for any individual who feels misunderstood and stifled in a life that feels inauthentic and constricting. The mission to discover who we are meant to be, and how best to fulfill our potential, can take years of soul-searching, as well as trial and error. I respect that the process can take us in varying directions.

However, as someone who chose a Torah life more than thirty years ago, and as a journalist attuned to the secular bias of most journalists, I was pained and increasingly frustrated each time I saw another such memoir reviewed or author interviewed. Even memoirists with no previous track record as writers – no “platform,” in the parlance of book PR – were able to capture prime real estate in some of the most elite media outlets. The Jewish Book Council, a major clearinghouse of new books of Jewish interest, reviewed nearly all of them, even though they are only able to review a small fraction of new Jewish book titles.

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From Aish.com, here.

Bibi Ego and Superego

Netanyahu To Step Away From Politics To Spend More Time With Ego

A side-effect of the decades of nurturing that political and psychological symbiosis has been the prevention of any credible leader emerging in Netanyahu’s wake.

Caesarea, June 1 – Israel’s longest-serving head of government, forced to leave the position he has held continuously since 2009, announced today that he intends to take a break from the vicissitudes of the public, diplomatic, electoral, and legislative scene, in favor of a period of quiet reflection during which to focus on nurturing his inflated sense of self-importance.

Outgoing Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu told reporters today that he steps away from the premiership with an eye toward spending more time at home, with his ego, where the two can offer mutual support without the distractions or complications inherent in a public political life.

“My ego has supported me and sustained me my entire career,” explained Netanyahu, who held office for more time than even Israel’s founding father David Ben-Gurion. “I have of course reciprocated and fed my ego the entire time, but too often the demands of political life have not permitted me to devote proper individual attention to my ego, and I expect to remedy that deficit in the coming months, perhaps years.” He declined to indicate whether this hiatus from public political life represents a permanent retirement or a brief interlude.

Analysts have long noted the symbiotic relationship between Netanyahu and his ego. Numerous commentators have remarked since the 1990’s, when he launched his political career, that the interests of Netanyahu’s ego and the interests of the State of Israel as articulated by Netanyahu often appeared synonymous. The dovetailing of the two entities aroused suspicion among rivals, opponents, and occasionally allies, but Bibi, as he is popularly known, managed to shepherd both with considerable skill. Only in recent years, as his political fortunes and legal troubles have made his future in public life uncertain, has a large-enough swath of the Israeli electorate made the distinction between Israel’s interests and those of the Netanyahu ego.

Experts observed that a side-effect of the decades of nurturing that political and psychological symbiosis has been the prevention of any credible leader emerging in Netanyahu’s wake. “There’s been no room for anyone else on the Right,” explained columnist Nahum Barnea. “The Netanyahu ego demands exclusivity, a demand that rules out tolerance for any potential challengers within the political bloc. Only now, as Bibi steps out of public life to swell his ego in private, can we expect to witness the development of strong politicians elsewhere on that arc of the political spectrum.”

The experts and commentators failed to discern among themselves the same trait of confusing personal ideological interest with that of the state or society.

From PreOccupied Territory, here.

‘No Man but a Blockhead Ever Wrote Except for Money’

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Charles Dickens Supported Private Philanthropy, Not Public Welfare 

Was Dickens Really a Socialist?

Far from being an early proponent of the welfare state, he was sounding alarms for all of us.
William E. Pike

have been an avid fan of Charles Dickens’s works since before entering high school. I have also adhered to the freedom philosophy for about as long.

Therefore, as the years passed and I read more and more commentators lauding Dickens as a catalyst for collectivist economics and state-centered social programs, I grew discouraged and disquieted. I have come to find, however, that by and large these commentators were not interpreting Dickens at face value, but were in effect putting words into his mouth.

Did Dickens stand up for the poor? Yes. Did Dickens speak out on the conditions in his time? Yes. Was he anti-capitalist? Were his views socialist? Did he advocate for government welfare programs? No.

Compared to most great novelists, Dickens has inspired an inordinate mass of biographies, and interest in his life, apart from his works, has been unceasingly strong. One reason for this is simply that Dickens lived life fully. He traveled abroad often and made many public appearances. He was an oft-seen figure (though many times anonymous) in the streets of London, exploring the city and meeting people of all backgrounds and walks of life. He was comfortable among England‘s highest society and among its lowest classes. His understanding of the human condition, therefore, was comprehensive.

Dickens meant to force us to face the plight of society’s least members, but he did not prescribe a collectivist solution to ending their miseries. 

It is no surprise, then, that in both his fiction and his nonfiction Dickens went to great lengths to present his readers with the full range of English society, including many of its most downtrodden. We should not draw political conclusions from the fact that Dickens had a heart — that he painted vivid pictures of those suffering poverty, disability, abuse, and homelessness. That he would try to win his readers’ hearts to the likes of these says nothing about his views on how they should be helped. Such inferences are made today by self-serving ideologues eager to enlist an ever-popular writer into their ranks.

Dickens presented his readers with some of literature’s most touching characters: Tiny Tim, whose handicap would doom him to a youthful death without costly treatment; Oliver Twist, the orphan forced to endure hunger, cruelty, and childhood labor; Mr. Micawber, the genial debtor tragically forced into prison; Little Nell and Jo, who would die well before their time. In presenting such characters, Dickens meant to force us to face the plight of society’s least members, but he did not prescribe a collectivist solution to ending their miseries.

Nor does he blame their plight on the still-evolving capitalist economy of his day.

We are used to thinking of Dickens as an enemy of capitalism largely because of his timeless lampooning of certain men of business. What he was really doing, however, was attacking the vice of greed. In Our Mutual Friend, he blasts the Lammles, who marry each other solely for money (only to find out that neither has any). In the same novel, he forced the “mercenary” Bella Wilfer to undergo a transformation before finding happiness. In Martin Chuzzlewit, relatives of the title character are ridiculed for their scheming at inheritance.

And then there is the prototype of the heartless capitalist — Ebenezer Scrooge. But as with other characters, Dickens does not attack Scrooge as a capitalist but as a miser. As Daniel T. Oliver put it in The Freeman (December 1999):

Scrooge’s character defect is not so much greed as miserliness. He hoards his money even at the expense of personal comfort. While many remember the single lump of coal that burns in the cold office of his assistant Bob Cratchit, the fire in Scrooge’s own office is described as “very small.” … Dickens gives us no reason to believe that Scrooge has ever been dishonest in his business dealings. He is thrifty, disciplined, and hard-working. What Dickens makes clear is that these virtues are not enough.

Though the protagonist throughout A Christmas Carol might be Bob Cratchit, there are sympathetic characters who are, in fact, capitalists. Fezziwig, a man of business, nevertheless treats his employees like family. And then there are the easily overlooked “portly gentlemen, pleasant to behold,” collecting money to “buy the Poor some meat and drink, and means of warmth.”

Indeed, Scrooge himself, on that transformative Christmas morning, does not renounce capitalism. Instead, he promises to be a better man. He will live a fuller life and share his good fortune with those close to him.

Many libertarians and other supporters of the free market will interject that Scrooge is already benefiting society as an effective businessman. The argument is also made that in lampooning Scrooge’s personality, Dickens also distorts the realities of the labor market. Michael Levin has written:

Let’s look without preconceptions at Scrooge’s allegedly underpaid clerk, Bob Cratchit. The fact is, if Cratchit’s skills were worth more to anyone than the fifteen shillings Scrooge pays him weekly, there would be someone glad to offer it to him. Since no one has, and since Cratchit’s profit-maximizing boss is hardly a man to pay for nothing, Cratchit must be worth exactly his present wages.

Both arguments have merit — Scrooge, like your local banker or financier, benefits society through his business. And yes, Dickens does not express, and most likely did not fully comprehend, the realities of the labor market. But the tale of Scrooge is of personal redemption. It is not particularly realistic nor well-versed in economics. Dickens is not attempting to argue against capitalism, nor is he arguing against a free market for labor. He is arguing against personal callousness and against misanthropy.

In chapter 33 of Socialism, Ludwig von Mises lamented Dickens’s characterizations of utilitarianism and of true liberalism. However, if Dickens’s words were later co-opted to promote a socialist agenda, that is hardly his fault. Utilitarianism can be the basis of a solid capitalist economy. It can also be mutated into a communist state. Dickens might not have understood that, but he did know that utilitarianism without reasonable judgment can turn society — and the state — into something monstrous.

A Christmas Carol exemplifies, on a personal level, what Dickens was really arguing for. He was not calling for state intervention, nor for economic regulations. Instead, he argued on behalf of personal philanthropy. In the end, Scrooge helps Tiny Tim, not because of socialist ideals, but because his humanity is reawakened, causing him to care for this child. Quite frankly, he does the right thing.

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From FEE, here.