The US Is a Kleptocracy

Plutocracy Now!

Plutocracy literally means rule by the rich. “Rule” can have various shades of meaning: those who exercise the authority of public office are wealthy; their wealth explains why they hold that office; they exercise that authority in the interests of the rich; they have the primary influence over who holds those offices and the actions they take.

These aspects of “plutocracy” are not exclusive. Moreover, government of the rich and for the rich need not be run directly by the rich. Also, in some exceptional circumstances rich individuals who hold powerful positions may govern in the interests of the many, for example Franklin Roosevelt.

The United States today qualifies as a plutocracy – on a number of grounds. Let’s look at some striking bits of evidence. Gross income redistribution upwards in the hierarchy has been a feature of American society for the past decades. The familiar statistics tell us that nearly 80 percent of the national wealth generated since 1973 has gone to the upper 2 percent and 65 percent to the upper 1 per cent. Estimates for the rise in real income for salaried workers over the past 40 years range from 20 percent to 28 percent. In that period, real GDP has risen by 110 percent – it has more than doubled.

To put it somewhat differently, according to the Congressional Budget Office, the top earning 1 percent of households gained about 8 times more than those in the 60 percentile after federal taxes and income transfers between 1979 and 2007 and 10 times those in lower percentiles.

In short, the overwhelming fraction of all the wealth created over two generations has gone to those at the very top of the income pyramid.

That pattern has been markedly accelerated since the financial crisis hit in 2008. Between 2000 and 2012, the real net worth of 90 percent of Americans has declined by 25 percent. Meanwhile, Warren Buffet, Jeff Bezos and Bill Gates et al, i.e. the wealthiest 1 percent of the world’s population, now own more than half of the world’s wealth (according to a Credit Suisse report in Nov. 2017). Croesus is green with envy.

Not By Accident

Theoretically, there is the possibility that this change is due to structural economic features operating nationally and internationally. That argument won’t wash, though, for three reasons.

First, there is every reason to think that such a process has accelerated over the past nine years during which disparities have widened at a faster rate. Second, other countries (many even more enmeshed in the world economy) have seen nothing like the drastic phenomenon occurring in the United States. Third, the readiness of the country’s political class to ignore what has been happening, and the absence of remedial action that could have been taken, in themselves are clear indicators of who shapes thinking and determines public policy.

In addition, several significant governmental actions have been taken that directly favor the moneyed interests. This includes the dismantling of the apparatus to regulate financial activities specifically and big business generally.

Runaway exploitation of the system by predatory banks was made possible by the Clinton “reforms” of the 1990s and the lax application of those rules that still prevailed. Former Attorney General Eric Holder, let’s recall, went so far as to admit that the Department of Justice’s decisions on when to bring criminal charges against the biggest financial institutions will depend not on the question of legal violations alone but would include the hypothetical effects on economic stability of their prosecution. (Those adverse effects are greatly exaggerated).

Earlier, Holder had extended blanket immunity to Bank of America and other mortgage lenders for their apparent criminality in forging through robo-signing of foreclosure documents on millions of home owners. In brief, equal protection and application of the law has been suspended. That is plutocracy.

Moreover, the extremes of a regulatory culture that, in effect, turns public officials into tame accessories to financial abuse emerged in stark relief at the 2013 Levin Committee hearings on J P Morgan Chase’s ‘London Whale” scandal. Morgan officials stated baldly that they chose not to inform the Controller of the Currency about discrepancies in trading accounts, without the slightest regard that they might be breaking the law, in the conviction that it was Morgan’s privilege not to do so.

Senior regulators explained that they did not see it as their job to monitor compliance or to check whether claims made by their Morgan counterparts were correct. They also accepted abusive treatment, e.g. being called “stupid” to their face by senior Morgan executives. That’s plutocracy at work. The Senate Finance Committee hearing drew only 3 senators – yet another sign of plutocracy at work. When mega-banks make illicit profits by money laundering for drug cartels and get off with a slap on the wrist, as has HSBC and others, that too is plutocracy. FDR, it rightly is said, saved American capitalism. Barack OBAMA saved predatory financial capitalism.

When the system of law that is meant to order the workings of society without reference to ascriptive persons is made malleable in the hands of officials to serve the preferred interests of some, it ceases to be a neutral instrument for the common good. In today’s society, it is becoming the instrument of a plutocracy.

The financial behemoths and big business in general can count on sympathetic justices to bail them out when cornered by prosecutors. The United States Attorney for the Southern District of New York, Preet Bharara, was making an earnest attempt to call to account several predators when the New York Supreme Court pulled the rug out from under him. Their generous interpretation of the dubious Supreme Court decision on wrongful trading cases upheld the overturning of the conviction of Michael S. Steinberg, the highest-ranking officer of notorious hedge fund SAC Capital AdvisorsBharara was obliged to drop seven outstanding cases against the Wall Street biggies.

Continue reading…

From Lewrockwell.com, here.

Yes, Even Jewish Organizations Could Use a Code of Ethics…

The following post is meant to generate discussion on a timely issue.
Its purpose is to state the need for each organization to develop its own ethics protocol, rather than to suggest any particular authoritative document. 

People may violate ethical boundaries within an organization in ways that they would never do in their private lives.

This can be a function of sustained male-female working relationships, of resentment against the way the organization treats an individual (leading to theft in the name of correcting imbalances or just as an expression of anger), of lashon hara (in the name of professional evaluations), of tax evasion (in the name of dedicating more money to the cause), of defaming similar organizations to donors (in the belief that your organization is the one really saving the Jewish people), of undercutting the activities of other organizations (because they do not reflect your Torah hashkafos), of lying to donors (in the name of saving projects) and so on.

Even sophisticated thinking people will engage in self-deception on a grand scale when it comes to considerations and calculations within organizational life. Some are truly blinded by a disease called “institutional egocentricity”.

To imagine that, with such challenges, the heads of organizations will be accountable only to themselves, as they in turn monitor others, is to invite trouble.

Every organization needs to work out an ethics protocol that covers basic issues and that removes certain obvious temptations from the head of the organization. This should include what kind of car the director should drive (to avoid the indiscretion of buying too fancy a car) and whether the organization should be contributing to its purchase and or upkeep. It should address what kind of personal calls can be made using organization phones (both in terms of expense and time) and whether the head of the organization can use his personal assistant and other staff to help him with private issues.

It should define whether and under what circumstances staff can travel business class (an issue, like the car, both of “maris ayin” and “gizailah”); whether the person may  travel at the organization’s expense to speak for another organization; and, if so, whether he can accept payment for doing so. What quality hotels can he stay in when on trips; can he add-on an internal flight to visit family members and what expenses does he pay if he takes his wife with?  Is he, as the head of the organization, allowed to draw one-time expenses to pay for an apartment for himself, or for marrying off a child or for other necessities? Do his airline points belong to himself or the organization?

What about a person’s private life? Is it a requirement of an organization, for example, to fire someone who is being abusive to his (or her) spouse? In Orthodox institutions, there is surely an expectation that a person’s private life not contradict – at least in gross terms – the standards of the organization. What about violations that would not be grounds for dismissal, but could expose the organization to a lawsuit?  What happens to someone who ceases to be Orthodox in private or who exposes his children to values which are antithetical to the organization?

While it may seem burdensome and even bureaucratic to develop rules for all these things, I have witnessed sufficient lack of judgment on these and other issues to conclude that this is prudent advice – advice regarding which the Jewish world has an embarrassing lag in fulfilling.

Torah-observant organizations should be exemplary not only in their ongoing behavior, but in their preparedness to meet the complexities of organizational life, both to avoid error and to know how to deal with it when it happens.  Yet, we appear to have fallen behind the broader world in our commitment to dealing with this area.

 

Brass scales 3D concept isolated on white

Congress has a House Ethics Committee which monitors and takes action against members of Congress.  The 2007 Honest Leadership and Open Government Act requires senators and their staffs to undergo “ongoing” ethics training. Other rules require ethics training for members of the House.  Another act, the Ensuring Trust and Honorability in Congressional Standards (Ethics) Act, would make continuing ethics training mandatory for all lawmakers. Moreover, the ethics code of Congress is long and complex and grows all the time to address new issues like information-sharing and use of social media. Certainly their laws are not ours. But, shall we allow our non-Jewish brethren to show us up in just the areas in which we ought to excel?

Not every case that requires an investigation involves an ethics violation per se. It may simply be that the sensitivity of the case requires one to confirm that there were no compromising facts. In one case, the woman who worked for an organization died at a young age. Her parents claimed that the organization she worked for had tolerated abuse. This turned out not to be the case. But it was important that it wasn’t simply the organization’s word against the parents.

The extraordinary complexity of some of these cases and the time consumed doing due-diligence and then bringing everyone into the circle suggest that this type of activity cannot always be undertaken by someone in their spare time. It may not require full-time resources, but it does require someone with experience who can dedicate whatever attention is needed when such issues arise.

All of these protocols require a shaila from an Adam Gadol and everything I have written below presumes that an Adam Gadol is actively being consulted.

Moreover, as such ethics protocols emerge, and more and more organizations ask shailos to determine their content, a market standard for practices ought to emerge. The average organizational head is expected to be competent in a range of areas that is far more extensive than almost any other professional. He needs to be counselor, manager, fundraiser, programmer, speaker and politician. He needs to know elements of branding, of logistics, of education and of life-cycle issues. That he would not only be competent in this vast range of issues, but also have had the insight to anticipate all the ethical dilemmas and protocols that  go with them, is to have an unreasonable if not unattainable expectation of almost anyone in the field today.

An institution becomes ethical first and foremost when it becomes accountable – to the Ribono Shel Olam, to oneself, to one’s employees and to certain oversight people or bodies like a board of directors or donors. Many heads of organizations hate being accountable to outside parties. They feel that this is their organization, that they know what they are doing, that a board represents “Daas Baal Habatim” sometimes in opposition to their values or thinking as a Ben Torah. “If I have any issues, I will ask a shaila,” the logic goes.  Yet we know that this approach fails frequently with often disastrous consequences. Accountability to a Daas Torah is only partially successful as it relies on the integrity of the person running the organization to bring issues with frequency and accuracy to the Daas Torah. It is quite rare to have a Daas Torah who is actively involved in the organization at a level where he really knows what is going on, speaks to staff directly, etc.

We are not used to thinking of accountability when it comes to ethics. Accountability today is used almost exclusively with respect to performance, rather than ethical standards. We may be even offended by the idea that we, as rabbis, are held accountable to people who are not our Torah equal. Even if the board is comprised of our colleagues, we see this as a kind of arrogance on their part, that they would choose to judge us. We therefore standardly opt for self-regulation.

Self-regulation sounds good in theory, but, most often, a shailah is not asked on most of these issues as they unfold. People either don’t realize that the issue is of significant importance to begin with, or don’t realize that they have given in to their yetzer hara and are not inclined to ask a shaila. Often, the head of the organization stands to be blamed by his donors and/or board for allowing something to happen (and he may indeed have been negligent) and this clouds his judgment.

Significant ethical violations within organizations – be they financial or sexual – are mainly done by people in authority.  Most often they are done by people who are doing a tremendous amount of good for the Jewish people, but who had no check on a particular yetzer hara and plenty of ways of expressing it.

Men counseling women within a communal or kiruv context, when the woman is emotionally vulnerable is a particularly thorny issue, one we will just mention in passing here. Therapists spend significant time learning how to set boundaries. They learn how to have insight into the dynamics of such a relationship and how to have insight into their own behavior within the relationship. As a part of this, they must undergo their own therapy while training. Yet, most rabbis just wing it on their own.

In fact, elements of this training are necessary for male-female working relationships as well. We males often respond to signals, which we over-interpret to mean that the female sitting opposite us is looking for a romantic or sexual relationship. Not all of us know the appropriate male-female boundaries to be balanced with a warm and friendly working environment. We often welcome some extra excitement in lives, without recognizing where it will go to.  And so there is no better way to guarantee that standards are maintained – and dealt with when they are not – than to build accountability into the organization. Accountability not only sets the expectations for a particular standard of behavior, but helps those expectations to be maintained.

At its core, accountability is about trust. And it is trust that is broken when there is an ethical/halachic violation, often exacerbated by a Chilul Hashem.

It is too late to pay attention to accountability after a problem arises. People are on the defensive; they may be angry and unforgiving that did not have mechanisms in place, and one is left dealing with the situation oneself.  It is terribly difficult to think straight in such situations.  The corrective actions taken are often done without provision of clear reasoning or explanations. This often fuels speculation, suspicion of a cover-up, and conspiracy theories. At best, it doesn’t allow people to understand whether the authority figure acted reasonably or not, and certainly doesn’t allow for anyone to hold a dialogue over the issue.

The net result is not only the trust deficit created by the actual incident, but the feeling amongst victims and other members of staff that this behavior is condoned and may be repeated.

 

Scale_Yom_KippurStaff who may know about an ethics violation by the head of the organization may feel intimidated to be a whistle blower, or may not take action simply because they did not know what to do, knowing that actions they may take might destroy the entire institution.  The recent seminary scandal in Israel has elements of both of these factors.

Trust is a precious commodity.

Once it breaks down, it is very hard to rebuild. Everything then gets filtered and interpreted through the new glasses of mistrust – even years later.

Therefore, the operating principle of accountability is transparency – not to the whole world – but to those who need to know. Transparency can exist with varying degrees – but minimally it means that information can and will be made easily available to those who need it. Many ethical problems are avoided by the knowledge that if they occur, they will become known. And many ethics violations are turned into much more serious events not by the event itself, but by the cover up that comes in its wake.   I am not suggesting that such information be made public, but that it be readily volunteered, in a proactive manner (without having to be asked), to the relevant parties.

In addition, some things are crimes which, if one knows about, one is obligated by law to report to the police. If he doesn’t, he himself may be charged with covering up or worse with aiding and abetting a crime. The current climate of the broader society is that sexual violations of a certain sort have to be reported to the police (as do serious instances of theft and bribery).

The perception that the Orthodox world tries to cover up certain types of violations has created a backlash whereby reporting requirements have become more stringent.  In the USA, more and more frum employees are inclined to go directly to local law enforcement instead of to their bosses or even to their rabbis, feeling that their bosses and rabbis have too much of a vested interest to hush up claims.

This issue is not particular to the Orthodox world.  College administrators have received bad press over what seems to be their inability to deal properly with an increase in sexual assault allegations on campus.  In the US Army, the decision over whether to prosecute cases of rape and sexual assault is being moved away from the chain of command whose officers, it’s been proven, rarely act with dispatch or fairness.

Since the future reputation, careers and families of the alleged perpetrators are at stake, one has to balance the desire to thoroughly investigate and ask shailos with the impatience of the broader community for such an approach. In today’s world of social media, scandals spread within hours, and responses are expected soon after. In today’s world, the Orthodox community itself has its own scandal-making press and many glean their opinions from websites rather than halachic authorities in such cases. The ability to manage the public relations side of a scandal is part and parcel of the ethics protocol that has to be drawn up.

In addition, great care should be taken not to show insensitivity to the victims, to keep them informed of the process and give them a chance to express themselves in a managed situation which they do not see as hostile.

When rabbinic authority is approached on such cases, it is vital that the shaila-process include knowledge of the dina demalchusa – including the reporting requirements of the secular law, an accurate picture of the Chillul Hashem implications, and the projections of how the public will respond to this issue.

Independent of the jury of the public and the press, any process of ethics violations must have a clear set of different sanctions or consequences, depending on the severity of the issue. Most organizations operate with only two options – rebuke or dismissal of the violator with nothing in between. Since the violation usually doesn’t warrant being fired, it means that most people will get off with just a rebuke. Often they are immune to feeling any guilt from a rebuke, and are thereby certainly not compelled to correct their behavior as a result.

In such instances, the head of the organization actually becomes an enabler to the behavior, because the violator feels protected. The victim feels helpless – that there is no one to turn to.  The head of the organization has failed his staff; he has failed to be accountable downwards. Many heads of organizations are not strong enough to follow through with a clear set of sanctions for non-compliance (short of firing the person). This is but one reason why these sanctions are best imposed by an outside ethics committee.

Grading the level of the transgression/violation is vital if we are to determine the appropriate consequences. These consequences may be perceived as too lenient or too strict by the violator, the violated and/or others.  Being able to defer to a set policy protects you. It allows you to refer to persons who will not suffer the same pressures as you will,  whose relative objectivity will allow them to apply the rules already agreed upon.

For this same reason, it is better that the head of the organization not sit on the ethics committee (where he is not the one being accused of the violation). As the head of the organization, the fact that he is doing the firing or sanctioning will cloud his judgment.  It is much easier if he can say that the ethics committee has made a decision and he is required to implement it. It is also better, for the same reason, that it be a committee of at least three people and not a single person who could come under withering pressure to change his mind.  And it is certainly better, that the organization has worked out, with a Daas Torah, the basic protocols of at what stage does one fire the person, warn him, allow the affected party to deal with it quietly, etc.

While it has become popular in the USA for an organization/school/business to state that is has adopted a zero-tolerance approach to this or that transgression, this is inappropriate. It ignores the many different levels of transgression.  Ethics protocols perforce make graded distinctions linking a certain level of transgression with a certain level of sanctions.

Take sexual abuse: Level one can be labeled “inappropriate” – sitting too close to a female employee, putting one’s arm around a woman’s chair, calling someone “my dear”, inviting a female staff member to a restaurant for a business meeting.  Level two would involve elements of active flirtation. Level three would involve an actual attempt at physical contact of an affectionate or sexual nature. Level four would involve engaging in an ongoing relationship of a certain type with a single member of the staff. In all of this, one would have to determine whether the transgressor engaged in such behavior only with respect to one member of the staff, or whether there was a pattern. This would inform us whether he “fell” for someone or whether he has a problem with members of the other sex in general.

In addition, one would have to understand whether there were additional elements of emotional manipulation, controlling behavior, and the like. In the latter case, there are often elements which reflect deep-seated problems in the person and not simply the giving into a taava. Here, corrective actions will involve long-term therapy and, in some cases, may be a life-long challenge for the perpetrator.

In one case, a boss appeared to use level one behavior to intimidate a female staff who had been independently hired. Although the objective behavior, rather than the motivations behind the behavior, must be the primary determinant of sanctions, it is also important, if the person stays on, to create situations where the behavior will no longer be triggered.

The recognition by the person of what he has done wrong,  whether he is seeking help or not,  whether the staff can now feel safe in his presence, whether his activity was criminal, and what the court of public opinion will say – all have to be factored in.

In contrast to financial transgressions, sexual transgressions – or the mere accusation thereof – tend to ruin a person’s reputation, sometimes for life. Therefore, managing the information flow becomes highly sensitive. Failing to deal with the issue (often to avoid hurting the person) often backfires, as it forces the victims to go to outside parties to deal with it and this hurts the transgressor more.  Sometimes, failure to take action can come back to haunt one years down the line, either because the victim decides at that stage to go public, or because of a repeat offense, or because of someone else’s offense which then gets combined with the first one to reflect on your inaction.

Sometimes a perpetrator with a long term problem may be severely warned and scared off for a while. The employer, lacking experience in recognizing when a problem is a deeply rooted one, may be lulled into a sense that the problem has now been taken care of. This is especially so, since many perpetrators know that they are very useful to their bosses, are very responsive to their needs, and are highly competent. They may be quite discriminating about which staff people they pick on, with a distinction sometimes made between those whom they employed and those staff members whom they inherited.

In any case, certain offenses are serious enough where, even if the person corrects his behavior, it may be recommended that he quietly leave and find employment elsewhere. This is especially true in cases of abuse, where the staff who have suffered the abuse may feel very vulnerable and exposed just by this person’s daily proximity to them. The issue of what information one is obligated to tell a future employer of this person is a very delicate one and requires the advice of a posek on each individual case.

From Olami Resources, here.

From Heavy Holiness to Light Holiness?!

Beis Din may not convert a non-Jew who does so for “love”, a man to marry a woman or a woman for a man, or any other ulterior motives.

Since child sex abuse is ignored and covered up only when the offense is committed by Jews, maybe this should be checked out before conversion, too…

Charedim (Awed), Sure, but Who Is the Subject of that Awe?

Trembling in Fear

Monday, August 15, 2011

During the great Torah-Science controversy of 2004-6, one of the primary factors involved in my decisions regarding my books, and indeed in my consciously deciding to leave the charedi community, was the role of fear in the charedi community.
There is much talk in the charedi community about Yiras Shamayim. That community labels itself charedi, “trembling” at the word of God. And there are indeed many people in that community who excel at this attribute.But the dominant fear in that community, the one that operates at all levels and out of all proportion, is fear that others will criticize you for not being frum enough.

I had wanted to write about this for a while, but I refrained, since I knew that many would just dismiss my words as lacking credibility. However, people with more credibility than myself are now saying the same thing – albeit anonymously. Rabbi Daniel Eidensohn reported a conversation that he had with an establishment charedi Rav, close with the Gedolim, who stated that the Charedi rabbonim’s requirements regarding reporting abuse is contrary to halachah, and explained bluntly that they are “afraid” about “being labeled a shaygetz.” And Jonathan Rosenblum, the Gedolim’s PR man and hagiographer, reports that one of the members of the Moetzes Gedolei HaTorah of the United States told him that “the gedolim cannot even discuss questions surrounding poverty because if they did the ‘street’ would just label them fake gedolim.”

This is exactly what I saw in the controversy over my books, in a variety of ways too numerous to list in their entirety. But here are some examples:

  • One Torah website, which had formerly distributed a number of my essays, frantically sent out a mass e-mail to all their subscribers assuring them that they would never do so again and that all my essays (none of which were remotely controversial) had been deleted from their site. They were clearly driven by fear.
  • Rav Aharon Feldman, while no fan of the rationalist approach, was sickened (literally – and I mean that literally) by the ban. Yet he switched sides after spending time in Israel and being criticized for not being adequately supportive of the Gedolim. (He told me words to this effect personally!) My impression was that he was afraid of being labelled disloyal.
  • One of the younger rabbonim who had guided me in much of my writings sent me a proposed revised version of The Camel, The Hare And The Hyrax. It was edited beyond recognition – and to my mind, the edits were aimed not at making the book better from a Torah-True (TM) perspective, but rather at avoiding criticism from the right.

This last point was most significant to me. I do not believe that one should write everything that one wants to write – one has to consider the greater good of the community. But in the charedi world, such considerations were clearly going to be outweighed by the fear of being criticized for not being frum enough. I could not continue my writing career while operating in fear of attacks from the right. With books such as mine, which deal with important and sensitive subject matter, there are many difficult editorial decisions to be made; I did not want to also have to deal with concerns by me, by those who write approbations, and by my distributor about fears as to what people on the right will say. I had to be able to publish that which needed to be published – and thus to take my publishing out of the charedi world.

Now, for all those who would smugly condemn people who act out of fear – remember Chazal’s dictum that one should not judge a person until you are in their place. People who are embedded in that community really do have good reason to be afraid! Their careers, their social standing, their children’s education and shidduchim, really could be on the line. (However, it should be pointed out that such fear does seem to contradict the notion of bitachon.)

In fact, for me to leave the charedi community and continue to publish my books was not an act of bravery. It was an act of leaving a situation of fear, at a time in my life when it was relatively easy to do so. But it was the right thing to do. It’s very harmful to be in a community in which decisions are based upon of fear of man rather than fear of God.

(Please note that fascinating comments on the previous post are still coming in. Don’t miss them!)

Menachem Begin on Brit Hakana’im and Administrative Detention

Did Menachem Begin Call Israeli Laws Nazi Laws?

About a month ago, I was walking along the perimeter of the Knesset during an ordinary sitting, when I suddenly froze in my tracks. Ayman Oudeh, the chairman of the Joint Arab List, was speaking at the Knesset podium, and he had made an impossible statement. Actually, he had cited a quote that could not possibly be accurate.

It was a Wednesday afternoon at the beginning of Teves and January. The topic under discussion was the UN Security Council resolution concerning Yerushalayim. It didn’t seem likely that anything of note could be said in the course of the discussion. Yaakov Margi of the Shas party delivered an address that was entirely predictable, and Ayman Oudeh then went to the podium. The content of his speech should have been equally predictable – but it wasn’t.

Oudeh decided to speak about a different topic, which is also not unusual for the Knesset. “Mr. Speaker and my colleague, Yaakov Margi,” he began. “Mohammed Khaled Ibrahim – has anyone heard that name? Mohammed Khaled Ibrahim is a twenty-year-old young man from the village of Kabul, a citizen of the State of Israel. He was arrested last year on May 11, and was placed in administrative detention. But I understand why you have never heard his name: He is an Arab. Even though he is a citizen of the State of Israel, you have never heard his name.

“What is administrative detention?” Oudeh continued. “It is when a person is not brought to court and doesn’t know what he has done wrong. His parents don’t know what he has done wrong, and even we do not know what the charges against him are, but he has been in jail for six months already.”

All of that was predictable and even boring. These are routine matters. The right-wing activists who are known as the “hilltop youth” suffer from the same phenomenon; they can be placed in “administrative detention” without anyone explaining the reason, and without being given the right to consult with a lawyer. This has been the law since the state was first founded. Dr. Anat Barko (who wrote her doctoral thesis on the subject of Palestinian women committing suicide bombings) interjected, “It is a groundless arrest.”

Oudeh then hinted at the bombshell he was preparing to drop. He had simply been waiting for the interjection. “You say that the arrest is groundless,” he said. “Let us listen to the words of your famous leader, Menachem Begin, according to the Knesset protocols from May 21, 1951. I would never have had the audacity to say this, but these were his words, spoken in this very Knesset, about the law of administrative detention. ‘There are laws that are tyrannical, there are laws that are unethical, and there are Nazi laws.’ Menachem Begin himself said that this law is ‘tyrannical,’ ‘unethical,’ and a ‘Nazi law.’ This illegal imprisonment and administrative order is an act of audacity, and according to the legendary leader of the Cherut party – which is known as the Likud in its current incarnation – you have no right to do it.”

I listened as Oudeh spoke, and I could not believe that he was telling the truth. I was certain that the quote had been falsified. It was unthinkable that Menachem Begin could have uttered the word “Nazi” while referring to a law of the State of Israel. After all, it was Begin himself who organized massive protests against the acceptance of reparations from Germany. The horrors of the Holocaust were ingrained in his consciousness; how could he have said such a thing?

It seemed to me that the members of the Knesset were not listening, or perhaps they simply didn’t grasp the significance of Oudeh’s words. Yehuda Glick of the Likud party called out, “Would you say the same thing if a Jew was detained?”

“I am against any administrative detention,” Oudeh replied, “whether it is an Arab or a Jew.”

None of the few people present in the plenum challenged the veracity of the quote from Menachem Begin. No one demanded a clarification about the circumstances in which he had said those words – if he had actually said them at all.

Though it was clear to me that the quote was false, I made my way to the archives where the protocols of every Knesset sitting are kept. When I found the transcript in question, I received a double shock. First, I discovered that the quote came from a discussion in the Knesset about us – the chareidim. Menachem Begin was speaking about chareidim who had been placed in administrative detention. This took place at the very beginning of the history of the state, three years after its founding, and concerned an underground group known as the Brit HaKanoim. That episode led to another scandal, when it was revealed that the chareidi detainees at the Jalmi detention camp had been abused and tortured. Most of the speakers in the Knesset on that occasion attacked Moshe Sharett, the deputy prime minister at the time, for supporting their arrest. Menachem Begin, the leader of Etzel and head of the opposition, was undoubtedly the most outspoken of them all.

My second surprise came from Begin’s words themselves. Whoever it was who found the quote that Oudeh cited in the Knesset could have added many more choice excerpts of his speech on that day. Evidently, Oudeh’s researcher was too lazy to look further, or perhaps he did not imagine that anything more caustic could have been said. Nevertheless, I read Begin’s entire address, and I found that he attacked the law of administrative detention, and the arrests of yeshiva bochurim, with no less virulence than Oudeh himself displayed in the Knesset.

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First, a little background. The Brit HaKanoim was a group of young Yerushalmi chareidim who were outraged at the scourge of public chillul Shabbos and the sale of nonkosher food in the holy city. They were not like the kanoim of Mea Shearim with whom we are familiar today; rather, they were bochurim from respected families who were part of mainstream chareidi society. In later years, one of those bochurim, Shlomo Lorintz, became a member of the Knesset from Agudas Yisroel. Another, Rav Mordechai Eliyahu, went on to become the chief rabbi of Israel. That should give you an idea of who the group’s members were….

They called themselves an “underground,” and according to police investigators and the Shin Bet, the group had about 35 members. They were active from 1949 through 1951, and they employed tactics that drew the criticism of the gedolim, although it was clear that their intentions were noble. The bochurim claimed that they had the backing of Rav Tzvi Pesach Frank, the rov of Yerushalayim. They began their work by sending threatening letters to the owners of stores that sold treif meat, and to the managers of taxi companies that operated on Shabbos. In January 1951, they torched about 15 cars that had been seen driving in the vicinity of Geulah on Shabbos, and they also set fire to a butcher shop.

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From Yated Ne’eman, here.