Sorry, but It’s TRUE: Teshuvos Chasam Sofer Are Often About Meta-Halacha

Chatam Sofer on Women’s Hair Covering

by R. Gidon Rothstein

I wish Star Wars was right when it said only a Sith thinks in absolutes, when in fact many of us fall into the trap, especially in our characterizations of rabbis. One of the ways in which I have been surprised as I’ve studied responsa has been in the nuance I have found in the writings of respondents whose reputations painted them with a broad brush.

Shu”t Chatam Sofer 1; Orach Chayyim 36, dated 16 Sivan 1839 (six months before he passed away) offers an example. He takes what could easily be labeled a stringent position on women’s hair covering, yet his reasoning leaves ample room to wonder whether he would have continued to rule the same way in other circumstances. Let me show you what I mean.

Hair as a Type of Nakedness

He starts with Berachot 24a, where R. Sheshet tells us a woman’s hair is ‘ervah—the word most easily translates as nakedness, although the responsum assumes more specific connotations.  R. Sheshet bases himself on Shir Ha-Shirim 4;1, which praises a woman for her hair (since the man focuses on the woman’s hair as a feature of beauty, hair must be a body part which, if uncovered, will distract him during the recitation of Shema, the topic of the Talmudic discussion).

Rosh thought the Gemara referred to married women, since unmarried women did not cover their hair [Chatam Sofer will not follow up on the implications for a society where married women as well do not cover their hair; we will get there]. Beit Yosef Even Ha-‘Ezer 75 mentions Rashba’s further leniency, based on married women’s tendency  to leave a few strands (or a thin line) of hair outside their hair covering. Their husbands are accustomed to seeing those hairs and can recite Shema even when they are visible.

How to Cover the Hair

Rashi reads “mi-ba’ad le-tzamatech, behind your veil” as a description of her hair (in contrast to the English translations I saw, which think the veil in the verse covers the beloved’s eyes, praised just before, and her hair is praised for being like flocks of goats). Rashi thinks the verse praises her hair and her modesty, shown by her keeping her beautiful hair tied up.

Rashi refers to one way of covering or keeping her hair in check, where Chatam Sofer sees two ways in the verse, the ordinary hat (which he assumes is there, as far as I can tell), and the further veil or tie she wears to ensure no unusual hairs slip out. Chatam Sofer understands Rashba to have permitted only the random hairs which slipped out of the second covering, because the husband does not pay attention to them.

The Way of Jewish Women

The other Talmudic passage relevant to women’s hair covering appears on Ketubbot 72a, where a Mishnah discusses dat Moshe, the ways of life prescribed by Moshe (really, the Torah), and dat Yehudit, the common practice of Jewish women. Violation of either standard opens a wife to being divorced with financial prejudice, meaning she loses her ketubbah, the payment Chazal instituted to safeguard her from being summarily ejected from a marriage. The Mishnah says dat Yehudit prohibits a woman from wearing flowing hair in public.

The Gemara questions the Mishnah’s characterization, because Bamidbar 5;18 says the sotah ceremony, which checks the fidelity of a woman who has given her husband legal cause to suspect her of adultery, should include the priest uncovering her hair. Married women ordinarily covering their hair seems to be a matter of Biblical law, not dat Yehudit.

Basic and Additional Covering

The Gemara resolves the problem by positing two obligations, the Torah-level one of kalta, and the further step of dat Yehudit (the specifics are not as important; Rambam, Laws of Marriage 24;12 referred to a mitpachat and a redid, a kerchief and a veil, but Chatam Sofer understands the second level to be a hat).

Aside from how she covers her hair, the Gemara also discusses where she must do so. In her own chatzer, for example, the Gemara assumes no Jewish women bother to cover their hair. We ordinarily translate chatzer as courtyard, whereas Tosafot limit the permission to her room in her house. Shulchan Aruch Even Ha-‘Ezer 115;4 did not mention Tosafot’s stringency, speaking only of the second level of covering when she goes from one courtyard to another.

Chatam Sofer notes Ba”ch, who read Rambam as going further than Tosafot, having prohibited completely uncovering her hair even in the privacy of her own room, and Beit Shemuel both did expand the areas where she was required to cover her hair.

Accepted Custom

Chatam Sofer agrees with them, recommends such conduct as the proper course of action—a significant stringency for most women today—but his reasoning leaves room to wonder whether he would have ruled the same way in our times. Given the debate on the matter, he promotes following the conduct of most women, which in his time was to cover their hair even in their homes. He takes it as evidence kibbelu ‘alayhu, they’ve accepted this as proper Jewish conduct.

Magen Avraham enunciated an obligation to follow common practice unless and until one performed hattarat nedarim, the ceremony releasing a Jew from a vow (551;7, about whether one may do business during the nine days leading up to the fast of Tish’a B’Av).  The same applies to women’s common practice, says Chatam Sofer. Leaving home with only one covering certainly violates dat Yehudit, in his view, and justifies divorce with financial prejudice.

[Pay attention to how he bases himself on the practice of women in all places he knows, who cover their hair even at home. Were practice to change, or were we to find out there were many other Jewish women practicing in other ways, his rule would seem open to change as well].

Maharam Al-Ashqar’s Leniency

Chatam Sofer knows of Shu”t Maharam Al-Ashqar 35, who responded to a questioner troubled by a practice he saw, women leaving a row of hair uncovered between their ears and forehead. Maharam infers from Baba Batra 60b the practice goes back to Talmudic times. The Gemara lists ways we can and should continue to remember the destruction of the Temple, and Rav says one such is bat tzeda’a. Rashbam and ‘Aruch dispute what Rav meant, whether women would burn off the hair (using lye), or would refrain from perfuming it as a sign of their lasting mourning over the Destruction. For ‘Aruch, they clearly left the hair uncovered.

Maharam thought a passage in Zohar supported his leniency; Chatam Sofer both disagreed with Maharam’s reading and thought we need not pay attention to the Zohar. ‘Aruch understood the Gemara to specifically contradict the Zohar, and whenever the Zohar contradicts the Gemara, we follow the Gemara [at the end of the responsum, he concedes he could have avoided seeing a contradiction between the Gemara and Zohar had he adopted Rashbam’s reading, but does not seem overly bothered].

Maharam further thought Ashkenazic women who come to visit Sephardic regions could follow Sephardic women’s more lenient practice while they were there. Ordinarily, a Jew who temporarily relocates must observe the stringencies of both places, whence s/he came and where s/he is currently. Maharam thought hair covering was different, because Ashkenazic women covered all their hair as a matter of what all women—non-Jewish as well—did in their home locale. In a place where the general standard allowed for more hair, there was no reason for them to continue to cover so much.

Continuing Custom When Circumstances Change

In Chatam Sofer’s world, non-Jewish women no longer covered their hair in public, which seems to open room for Jewish woman to take on a different standard as well. Chatam Sofer assumes, however (and quotes a Mahar”a Stein who had already taken this position), the women of his area decided to follow the more stringent view of the Zohar. While halachah would never have ruled this way, the women’s decision to do so turns it into a custom and halachic requirement.

Chatam Sofer uses the phrase minhag ‘oker halachah, custom uproots the law, where here the custom seems more to be asking more than required. Of greater interest to me, Mahar”a Stein said custom can uproot halachah when the custom bases itself on a passage in works such as Massechet Soferim or Semachot— Talmudic-era works not canonized in the Talmud. Chatam Sofer took for granted, without explanation, Zohar qualifies.

He also sourced the idea of the immutability of established customs to Magen Avraham 690;22. It’s a surprising choice, because Magen Avraham gives much reason to think the women of Chatam Sofer’s time could handle hair covering differently. Chatam Sofer quotes Magen Avraham accurately, but he ignores Magen Avraham’s having cited Shu”t Rema 21, who in turn quoted Maharik to have allowed people to change customs when underlying circumstances changed. Were the women of Chatam Sofer’s time—or ours—to say the women around them no longer cover their hair, reducing the extent to which the Jewish women needed to cover their hair, Magen Avraham, Rema, and Maharik all seem to leave room for some such adjustments.

Machatzit Ha-Shekel (a supercommentary to Magen Avraham, who was also one of Chatam Sofer’s childhood teachers) gives the example of water left uncovered, which the Talmud forbade for worry a snake had drunk from it. No longer a worry for us, we drink such water.

Magen Avraham also thought only customs established by reputable authorities have the power to override halachah; customs which spring up popularly are errors, and need not be followed.

As I present Chatam Sofer’s conclusion, then, it’s one to think about carefully. He omitted material (in sources he cited) which could have shaped his own ruling differently, and based himself on practice current in his time, no longer in ours. For his time, general practice (among non-Jewish women as well) led him to conclude married women had to cover all their hair, even in their bedrooms, and to have a second covering when out in public. For our times, matters seem more equivocal, even from his perspective.

From Torah Musings, here.

Animated 13 Principles Song (#5 Is Typically Inaccurate)

“I Believe” Animated Music Video – Rabbi Mordechai Dubin

Published on Sep 2, 2016

www.rabbidubin.com
rmdubin@maimonidesla.com”

I Believe” Animated Music Video – Rabbi Mordechai Dubin

“I Believe” based on the Yud Gimmel Ikrim (The 13 Principals of Faith) of the Rambam is Rabbi Dubin’s most popular song.

The song was the inspiration of Rabbi Zalman Ury ZT”L, a leader of Jewish Education in Los Angeles who approached Rabbi Dubin to create a song for children that would strengthen their Emunah and capture our belief’s. From the moment “I Believe” was introduced at an Educational Conference in 2006, the song has touched the hearts of tens of thousands of children and their families. It is played daily in schools and Yeshivos around the world. It was used by the Chofetz Chaim Heritage Foundation as part of their Chizuk program during the month of Elul and was featured in the Shevat 5769/ February 2009 issue of Olomeinu Magazine. The magazine also included a phone number for children and their families to listen to the song. Olomeinu received nine thousand phone calls during the few weeks the phone line was available. This song was masterfully produced by Sam Glaser. Once you hear this song, you will want to play it over and over again. The song “I Believe” could also be found on Rabbi Dubin’s CD on Sefer Shemos entitled, “Let My People Go”.

Rabbi Dubin was filmed by Yoni Oscherowitz of Timeline Cinema

Animation and editing by Adina Kramer

Produced at Kolrom Multimedia

From YouTube, here.

We Get Socialism From the Incas…

The Ancient Incas and the Collectivist State

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Examples of government control over social and economic life are as old as recorded history, and they always have features that are universal in their perverse effects regardless of time or place. One of the most famous of these collectivist episodes was that of the Incas and their empire in South America.

The Inca Empire emerged out of a small tribe in the Peruvian mountains in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Theirs was a military theocracy. The Inca kings rationalized their brutal rule on the basis of a myth that the Sun god, Inti, took pity on the people in those mountains and sent them his son and other relatives to teach them how to build homes and how to manufacture rudimentary products of everyday life. The later Inca rulers then claimed that they were the descendants of these divine beings and therefore were ordained to command and control all those who came under their power and authority

The Inca Empire of Conquest and Collectivism

The fourteenth and especially the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries saw the expansion of the Incas into a great imperial power with control over a territory that ran along the west coast of South America and included much of present-day Peru, Ecuador, Bolivia, Chile, and parts of Argentina and Colombia. The Incas were brought down in the 1530s by the Spanish conquest under the leadership of Francisco Pizarro.

The Inca kings, asserting to be both sons and priests of the Sun god, held mastery of all the people and property in his domains. And like most socialist systems throughout history they combined both privilege and egalitarianism. When the invading Spaniards entered the Inca capital of Cuzco, they were amazed by the grandeur of the palaces, temples, and homes of the Inca elite, as well as the system of aqueducts and paved roads.

But having an economy based on slave labor, there had been few incentives or profitable gains from the development of machines and tools to raise the productivity of the work force or reduce the amount of labor needed to perform the tasks of farming and manufacturing. Methods of production were generally primitively labor-intensive. Thus, the Spaniards, in comparison, were far better equipped with more advanced instruments of war to defeat the Incas.

The Inca Elite and the “Communism” of the Common People

The Inca rulers imposed on almost all in society a compulsory equalitarianism in virtually all things. In The Socialism Phenomena (1980), the Soviet-era dissident, Igor Shafarevich, (1923–2017) explained:

The complete subjugation of life to the prescriptions of the law and to officialdom led to extraordinary standardization: identical clothing, identical houses, identical roads. … As a result of this spirit of standardization, anything the least bit different was looked upon as dangerous and hostile, whether it was the birth of twins or the discovery of a strangely shaped rock. Such things were believed to be manifestations of evil forces hostile to society.

To what extent is it possible to call the Inca state socialist? … Socialist principles were clearly expressed in the structure of the Inca state: the almost complete absence of private property, in particular of private land; absence of money and trade; the complete elimination of private initiative from all economic activities; detailed regulation of private life; marriage by official decrees; state distribution of wives and concubines.

The Rigid and Detailed Planning of Everyday Life

An especially detailed description of the nature and workings of the Inca state is found in the classic work, A Socialist Empire: The Incas of Peru (1927), by the French economist and historian Louis Baudin (1887–1964). The Incas ruled through a cruel and pervasive system of command and control over everyday life. Baudin explained:

Every socialist system must rest upon a powerful bureaucratic administration. In the Inca Empire, as soon as a province was conquered, its population would be organized on a hierarchical basis, and the [imperial] officials would immediately set to work. … They were in general in charge of the preparation of the statistical tables, the requisitioning of the supplies and provisions needed by their group [over whom they ruled] (seeds, staple foods, wool, etc.), the distribution of the production of the products obtained, the solicitation of assistance and relief in case of need, the supervision of the conduct of their inferiors, and the rendering of complete reports and accounts to their superiors. These operations were facilitated by the fact that those under their supervision were obliged to admit them to their homes at any moment, and allow them to inspect everything in their homes, down to the cooking utensils, and even to eat with the doors open …

The Inca bureaucracy cast its net over all those that it ruled and soon transformed them into docile and obedient subjects through a “slow and gradual absorption of the individual into the state … until it brought about the loss of personality. Man was made for the state, and not the state for the man,” Baudin said. The Incas tried to banish “the two great causes of popular disaffection, poverty and idleness. … But by the same token, they dried up the two springs of progress, initiative and provident concern for the future.” The Inca government did all the thinking and planning for their subjects, with the result that there was a “stagnation of commerce … lack of vitality and the absence of originality in the arts, dogmatism in science, and the rareness of even the simplest inventions.”

The Inca Welfare State and Human Inertia

This inertia was fostered through the institutions of the welfare state. “As for the provident concern for the future,” Baudin asked,“ how could that have been developed among a people whose public granaries were crammed with provisions and whose public officials were authorized to distribute them in case of need? There was never a need to think beyond the necessities of the moment.”

In addition, the Inca welfare state undermined the motive for charity and any personal sense of responsibility for family or community:

But what is even more serious is that the substitution of the state for the individual in the economic domain destroyed the spirit of charity. The native Peruvian, expecting the state to do everything, no longer had to concern himself with his fellow man and had to come to his aid only if required by law. The members of a community were compelled to work on the land for the benefit of those who were incapacitated; but when this task had been performed, they were free from all further obligations. They had to help their neighbors if ordered to do so by their chiefs, but they were obliged to do nothing on their own initiative. That is why, by the time of the Spanish conquest, the most elementary humanitarian feelings were in danger of disappearing entirely.

Continue reading…

From Mises.org, here.

The Leftist Crime-As-Condition Nonsense Applied to America’s Wars

Published time: 15 May, 2019 17:18 Edited time: 16 May, 2019 10:17
The way the mainstream media tells it, the United States never, ever ends up embroiled in wars and military conflicts on purpose — only ever by mistake, or as a result of things like ‘bad planning’ or ‘strategic missteps’.

Very often when media coverage of war is analysed, there is a focus on how hawkish pundits cheerlead for conflict and journalists parrot official narratives while dissenting voices are drowned out. Mainstream networks, for example, have been heavily criticized by media watchdogs for almost exclusively inviting pro-war guests and ex-military hawks onto their news shows to convince Americans that war is the only reasonable course of action while refusing to let anti-war commentators get a look in.

But there is another more subtle and unnoticeable way that the media deceives us. Even when they are not outright cheerleading for military action (as was the case in the lead up to the Iraq War), the language they use to describe events is designed to absolve Washington of blame.

Next time you read the news, notice how the US is always “stumbling into” war, or “drifting into” war or “sliding into” war — or even “sleepwalking into” war. To “stumble into” war seems to be a firm favorite among headline writers. The US has“stumbled” into war in Iraq and Syria and has been, at one time or another, at risk of “stumbling” into war with Russia, North Korea and most recently Iran.

According to these headlines, the US has also been “dragged into” (CNN) and “sucked into” (NI) war in Syria and Afghanistan, twice (NI, The Times). In recent weeks, the Trump administration has been “sliding into” (AP) a potential “accidental” war with Iran — and back in 2017, it was “dragged into” (FP) the disastrous Yemen conflict.

The examples of the US stumbling, blundering and bumbling its way into wars are endless — and it does raise a question that no one ever seems to ask: If it’s so easy to trip and fall into massive never-ending wars, why isn’t it happening to everyone else? Is Washington just especially clumsy?

With this narrative of the bumbling superpower, agency is always removed from the architects of war. Instead of enthusiastically banging the drums for war, we’re told the White House is always ‘reluctant’ to deploy its military, but is ‘forced’ into it. Then, once the war is in full-swing, when things are not panning out exactly as planned, the US can become the sacrificial hero, propelled into a deadly conflict not of its own making.

A recent headline in the Miami Herald framed recent US actions on Venezuela as the US being “pushed to act.” Pushed by who? The Trump administration voluntarily helped organize and instigate the attempted coups that worsened the country’s political crisis and proudly imposed the economic sanctions which have led directly to thousands of premature deaths. There was no “pushing” involved.

In April, Foreign Policy magazine even had Venezuela’s self-declared interim president Juan Guaido “stumbling toward a coup.” How do you stumble into a military coup? Surely that’s the kind of thing that requires careful, deliberate planning and execution? The Washington Post had Trump “fumbling” an uprising in Caracas, too.

Such framing obscures basic facts about Washington’s motives and predilection toward military conflict over diplomacy. Washington doesn’t get into wars by mistake. Unless a country is directly attacked, threatened or occupied, wars are quite easy to avoid getting into if you really don’t want to be in them  — but the hawks in Washington, no matter how much they pretend to not want war, are always itching for more and they will stop at nothing to get what they want, even if that means fabricating evidence (as in Iraq) or pulling off false flag attacks to use as convenient pretexts for the US to ‘respond’ to.It’s not just media pundits and journalists who employ this kind of misleading language, either. British Foreign Secretary Jeremy Hunt said this week that a US war with Iran could happen “by accident.” Did Hunt take a vacation from reality and miss US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and National Security Advisor John Bolton ramping up war rhetoric against Iran for months? Maybe Trump abandoned the 2015 Iran nuclear deal by accident and sent an aircraft carrier and bomber task force into the Persian Gulf last week to “send a message” to Iran by mistake.

 

Please stop publishing pieces declaring the US is “stumbling” or “drifting” into a war. The US goes to war because it’s by design, not by accident. If it’s not painfully clear the intentions are to goad Iran into an armed conflict, you haven’t been paying attention.

 

US military actions are designed specifically to provoke the conflicts that they believe will be of benefit to their overall geopolitical strategy. Talk of freedom, democracy and human rights are just a convenient cover. Washington is never at risk, for example, of stumbling into war with Saudi Arabia, despite Riyadh’s laundry list of crimes against humanity.

Whether this propagandistic language is always employed in a totally conscious way or not, it’s difficult to tell. Either way, it’s a psychological trick which frames the most powerful, military-minded and trigger-happy country in the world as some kind of innocent victim of events beyond its control.

Danielle Ryan

From RT, here.

Don’t Sing About the 4 Classical Elements Without Including the CREATOR Himself!

The Matzav Shmooze: Is ‘Adamah V’Shamayim’ an Avodah Zarah Song?

Dear Editor@Matzav.com,

I’m sure you’ve heard of the song Adamah V’shamayim, an often-requested song. Some people know and understand the lyrics, most don’t. But 99.9% of our community doesn’t know the song’s origin. So here goes, working backward:

Before Motti Weiss (aka Matt Dubb) recorded the song, it was recorded and popularized by a Buddhist-style Israeli group by the name of Segol. Little detail is given by Segol that the song is originally in English.

The original song is “Strong Wind, Deep Water” (the original lyrics and the source can be found here and below). It’s a song by an earth-worshiping pagan cult, translated into Hebrew, almost word for word, for the Segol group. A Google search will show many results confirming that the song is of pagan (i.e., avodah zarah) origins.

I appreciate that this is not intuitive information, the lyrics are subtle. But the fact is that a song by earth-worshippers describing earth worship has crept into our community, and we’re now dancing at our simchos to an avodah zarah song (literally). If rabbonim knew the above about this song, many might say that one is not allowed to say the bracha “Shehasimcha Bim’ono” at a chasunah where the song is played.

Ever since I researched this song, I’ve been asked by multiple ba’alei simcha to play it. After giving a short and concise background of the song, the response is absolutely unanimous – both from chosson and kallah couples and from bar mitzvah parents: “OMG I didn’t know, yeah let’s not play that song.”

Since spreading this info on a social media group for Jewish musicians, there have been a few responses: Some respond with unfortunate leitzanus, and others respond with indifference. Yet many musicians have thanked me for the info and said they would not be playing the song. One artist reached out to me privately to let me know that he’s not including the song on his upcoming cover album, as he originally intended. Another artist to whom I reached out regarding this song also decided to not include it in his recently-released cover album.

I would strongly urge you to consider whether or not you should play the song in the future. We wouldn’t sing about gilui arayos of shfichus domim at our heiligeh simchas…singing a song of avodah zarah should be no exception. Boruch Hashem, we have many great and leibedik songs to choose from without an avodah zarah chant.

Yehuda

P.S. The reason I researched the song, to begin with, is two-fold: 1) The tune (with the repetitive A and B section) has the sound and structure of a classic far-eastern or pre-American chant, and 2) the lyrics convey a spiritual feeling of experiencing nature as an end to itself, rather than experiencing G-d through nature. It sounded extremely foreign and strange to me, not something written by a Jew, let alone a frum Jew.

Strong wind, Deep water; Tall trees, Warm fire
I can feel it in my body; I can feel it in my soul
Heya heya heya heya heya heya ho
Heya heya, heya heya, heya heya heya ho

Strong wind, Deep water; Pure Earth, Warm fire
Soft breeze, Vast Ocean; Bright Sun, Grand Mountain
Sweet kiss, Long River; Earth Live forever

From Matzav.com, here.