Rabbi Avi Grossman: The Past, Present, and Future of Halakhic Practice

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Premiered Sep 5, 2024

Judaism Demystified: A Podcast for the Perplexed – Episode # 99 with Rabbi Avi Grossman “Halakha Demystified”

• Episode 99: Rabbi Avi Grossman “Halakha Demystified”

• In this episode, we sit down with Rabbi Avi Grossman to explore the complexities of Halakha and its relevance to contemporary Jewish life. Rabbi Grossman begins by discussing why “Demystifying Halakha” is crucial for understanding and practicing Judaism today. We dive into the idea that the entire Torah was always meant to be practiced, a concept that significantly shapes our understanding of Halakha. Rabbi Grossman explains how Maimonides’ Mishneh Torah stands out from other halakhic codes, particularly in its detailed guidance on practices like observing Passover with a paschal lamb and instructions for when it is not available. Rabbi Grossman further elaborates on the Mishneh Torah’s intention to serve as a complete legal code for all generations and all aspects of Halakha. We also discuss the Vilna Gaon’s role in reviving “orphaned” commandments, understanding the importance of these commandments, and their impact on Halakhic practice. The conversation takes shifts to the importance of maintaining a critical approach to halakhic issues, questioning the automatic precedence given to later authorities. We explore the significance of national obligations and self-governance in Halakha, questioning why these aspects may have fallen out of common practice. Finally, Rabbi Grossman challenges the “fallen-out-of-use” fallacy, addressing the belief that if certain practices are no longer observed, it must be by divine will. You don’t want to miss this fascinating discussion.

• Bio: Rabbi Avi Grossman brings a diverse and rich background to our discussion on Halakha. He holds a BS in Biology from Queens College of the City University of New York and an MBA from Jerusalem College of Technology in Israel, with teaching credentials from the David Yellin Academic College of Education in Jerusalem. Ordained by both Beis Medrash L’Talmud and Rabbi Abba Bronspiegel, Rabbi Grossman is the director of the Torah L’Maaseh program at Yeshivat Ramot in Jerusalem and is widely recognized for his shiurim on Machon Shilo’s YouTube channel. Additionally, he serves as a senior editor for the Steinsaltz Center’s Tanakh publication project and is the founder of Torah Le’Maaseh. Rabbi Grossman is also the author of *Haggadat Hapesach*, a unique Passover Haggadah that emphasizes the Paschal offering as the centerpiece of the Seder. His extensive academic and rabbinical achievements, coupled with his commitment to Jewish education, make him a compelling authority on the application of Halakha in contemporary Jewish life.

Who Should Pay for Science? A: Not the State!

Who Should Pay for Science?

The Free Market 13, no. 8 (August 1995)

 

As Congress considers cuts in science funding, lamentations are rising. “We’re dominated by fools,” said one Democrat. “At risk is the type of Government-financed research that has put men on the moon,” intoned the New York Times. “Such cuts portend wide changes in American science and American life.” A few years ago, a Harvard physicist compared federal refusal to build the Superconducting Supercollider to medieval Europe allowing itself to be overrun by the Moors.

All hype. There is no reason for taxpayers to support trips to the moon, particle physics, or any other research not directly serving defense against external or internal aggression, the core function of government. Funds for basic research can be allocated by the market.

Bear in mind that, while some socialized science is worthwhile—weather satellites, for example—private industry, not the government, manufactures the satellites and the launch vehicles. Agencies like the National Bureau of Standards that run their own facilities buy their equipment from these contractors. (Dupont, not “the Manhattan Project,” built the plant that made the plutonium for the atom bomb; had it had the will and the money, it could have built the plant on its own.)

All government does is channel resources, thereby influencing what problems will be explored and who will do the exploring. The question is whether the government has any more business doing this than it has deciding what shows run on Broadway. An author wishing to have his play produced solicits the support of investors, whose decision to buy in is influenced by idealism plus the number of tickets the play is thought to sell. It is not too much to ask scientists wishing to perform experiments to find backing in the same way.

Much research is already market-driven. Pharmaceutical firms fund development costs, and in the process supply a cornucopia of new medicines. Altruistic alumni support university laboratories. The system of weather and communication satellites, if profitable, would certainly be self-supporting once privatized.

Sure, runs the reply, but that’s because most people grasp the practical applications of science. The big argument for subsidizing fundamental research is that it is over nearly everyone’s head. Just as the average person has a sufficiently clear idea of what breakfast is all about to decide for himself whether to try a new cereal, he knows enough about how he feels to choose medications. When he lacks expertise, but knows what the experts think, he can rely on their judgment—reading only critically acclaimed books, and taking tests his doctor orders. But the average knowledge consumer cannot evaluate basic research. Unfamiliar with curved spacetime and the zoo of elementary particles, unable to understand so much as the titles of articles in physics journals, he cannot even evaluate evaluations. He has no way of deciding whether to help finance searches for gravity waves of proton decay.

Market transactions based on adequate information may satisfy all transactors, but too few people know science for success in the marketplace to measure the value of basic research. Hence (the argument concludes) government must direct resources where the scientific community says they should go.

The flaw in the argument is that it overlooks the scientist’s obligation to get his ideas across. After all, a would-be researcher is selling something; in exchange for support, he offers to pursue certain lines of inquiry. If he wants any takers, therefore, he had better be able to explain what he wants to find out and why finding it out would be good.

He hardly bears this burden alone, for all new products are to some degree unfamiliar, and must be explained to the public. People were not born knowing the advantages of automatic transmissions over manual. Vladimir Zworkin had to persuade the management and ultimately the stockholders of RCA to fund his research into the wireless transmission of images. The uses of television seem obvious to us now, because they have shaped our world; Zworkin lived in a different world, most of whose inhabitants were as familiar with electromagnetism as we are with the topics of current research.

A researcher can persuade others to support him in numerous ways. His sales pitch, like Zworkin’s, might be the prospect of a lucrative new technology. Research has epistemic as well as financial rewards: a scientist can appeal to the intellectual curiosity of his peers, pointing out how his project might help their own research.

Most psychologists interested in the heritability of personality traits would be happy to support a study of the heritability of alcoholism, for instance. A scientist might offer a subscription service, publishing a newsletter for contributors to keep them posted on breakthroughs. (Thus did Isaac Newton’s Principia Mathematica come into the world; a number of Newton’s acquaintances put up the money to allow him to publish it, and in return they received copies.) He can try to make his case to laymen in laymen’s terms.

Should he fear his ideas are too abstruse, he might seek to interest professional sages like Carl Sagan who have the public’s ear. Ernest Rutherford once said, “If a piece of physics cannot be explained to a barmaid, then it is not a good piece of physics.” Rutherford may have exaggerated, but if the barmaid can’t understand the physics, why should she be expected to pay for it?

Suppose a scientist proves unpersuasive, he enlists no support, and his experiment is not done. An unwanted service has been removed from the market, whether we say the public is blind to its own interest, or that our man failed to make them see it. But—the second argument for subsidized science—don’t we lose knowledge, and didn’t I as much as admit, when I mentioned intellectual curiosity, that knowledge is good? Of course it is, but, like every other good, its acquisition carries costs which must be balanced against benefits.

Not all knowledge is worth having. Nobody cares how many blades of grass there are in Central Park. Some knowledge that might be worth having cheaply—like what all your associates really think of you—is too expensive. You have better things to do than snoop around the office all day. The human race does not have the resources to answer every question. Choices must be made. On the principle that those who want something should be the ones who pay for it, those who want a particular question looked into should be the ones who finance the looking.

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From Mises.org, here.

Medvedev: American Presidents Have Zero Power To Buck the Deep State

Trump could become second JFK – Medvedev

RT

The deputy chairman of the Security Council of Russia has suggested that, should the Republican be elected US president and try to stop the Ukraine conflict, he could be assassinated

Should Donald Trump be elected US president and attempt to end the Ukraine conflict in earnest, he could end up sharing the fate of John F. Kennedy, former Russian President Dmitry Medvedev has claimed. He also argued that relations between Washington and Moscow will likely remain highly strained regardless of who comes out on top in Tuesday’s presidential election.

During the course of his campaign, the GOP candidate has repeatedly vowed to put an end to the bloodshed in Ukraine in short order, if elected. However, he has not provided any specifics. His Democratic rival, Kamala Harris, has suggested that Trump would essentially force Kiev to surrender.

Meanwhile, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov has also expressed skepticism regarding the Republican nominee’s ability to stop the conflict overnight, noting that no “magic wand” exists with which he could do so.

In a post on his Telegram channel on Sunday, Medvedev, who currently serves as deputy chairman of Russia’s Security Council, wrote that Moscow does not have high expectations regarding the outcome of Tuesday’s US presidential election. He argued that “for Russia, the election won’t change anything, as both candidates’ stances completely reflect the bipartisan consensus that our country has to be defeated.”

According to Medvedev, while on the campaign trail, a “somewhat fatigued Trump” has been dishing out “banalities” regarding peace prospects for Ukraine, and his supposedly good relations with world leaders. However, if elected, the Republican “would be forced to observe all of the rules of the system,” and would be “unable to stop the war. Not in a day, not in three days, not in three months.”

“And if he really attempts to [end the Ukraine conflict], he could become a new JFK,” the former Russian president warned.

John F. Kennedy, the 35th US president, was assassinated in 1963.

As for Harris, the Russian official dismissed her as “stupid, inexperienced [and] controllable.” Medvedev alleged that if elected, she would be a mere figurehead, with other officials and members of former President Barack Obama’s family pulling the strings.

In an exclusive interview with RT earlier this week, Medvedev stated that “if Western countries, especially the United States, had had enough flexibility and wisdom to make a security agreement with Russia, there would have been no special military operation [in Ukraine].” He said that the US and its allies failed to realize this in time because “they’re in the habit of bullying everyone into submission,” and of operating “on the principle of American exceptionalism and the primacy of US interests.”

From RThere.