Please Keep Mentioning Israel’s Injustice System in Birkas Haminim!

Opinion: Israel’s Supreme Court cruel to the kind in politically charged decision David Isaac

Israel’s Supreme Court appears to be on a mission to erase any doubts within the Israeli public that it has been corrupted by politics.

In less than three weeks, Israel’s Supreme Court went from bleeding hearts to hard-hearted. After refusing to destroy the home of a confessed Arab terrorist, the High Court ruled on the destruction of 56 homes of innocent, law-abiding Jews.

Israel’s Supreme Court appears to be on a mission to erase any doubts within the Israeli public that it has been corrupted by politics. Not being lawyers, we won’t parse the rulings in too great detail, partly because it’s not necessary. The contrast is so stark.

In the first case, the court ruled that the home of a terrorist should not be destroyed (a punitive measure adopted by the IDF) because his wife and eight children live there and had nothing to do with the crime. In June, the terrorist had dropped a rock from a height, killing an IDF soldier.

Justice Manni Mazuz wrote, “The serious harm done to innocent family members cannot be ignored — those to whom no involvement in the attack is attributed.” Justice George Kara agreed: “Justice will come to the attacker when he gets his punishment. But the consequences of his actions should not be cast on those who have not sinned.

Jump ahead, and in under two and a half weeks, the court is arguing that 56 Jewish homes in Mitzpe Kramim, a Jewish settlement in the Binyamin region of southern Samaria, have got to go.

One would have expected, if consistency has any part in justice, to hear from the court that “the serious harm done to innocent family members cannot be ignored – those to whom no involvement in the decision to move there is attributed.” And, “the consequences of the actions should not be cast on those who have not sinned.”

Instead, the justices, in this case Supreme Court Chief Justice Esther Hayut and Deputy Chief Justice Hanan Melcer, appeared to go out of their way to find the justification to destroy those homes. First, they overturned a Jerusalem District Court ruling allowing them to stay. Then they decided they knew what was in the heart of some unnamed clerk in 1999 – the year the Jews were allowed to move there – who allegedly made the decision with malice aforethought and purposefully ignored the evidence, not that there appeared to have been any hard evidence, that the ownership of the land was in question.

The justices needed to attribute nefarious purposes to someone. Israel has adopted an old Jordanian law in Judea and Samaria that has a “good faith” clause. In other words, if there’s an irregularity in property ownership, as long as the deal was made in “good faith,” with no intention to harm, the situation stands. The Jews who moved to Mitzpe Kramim certainly did it in good faith. The government told them to go there. They figured the government had the right to the land.

If malice lies anywhere, it’s with the judges, who are suddenly Detective Columbos, rummaging through old maps, reading into peoples’ minds and their intentions 20 years ago and spinning out whodunits all so they can smash a Jewish settlement. No appeal to humanity here. No call for mercy on the innocent. That’s reserved for terrorists’ homes.

The court has offered a concrete example of the old Jewish adage: “He who is kind to the cruel will ultimately become cruel to the kind.”

From World Israel News, here.

‘The Emperor’s New Clothes’: Skin Color Stockings

Tinokos Beis Raban

Monday, June 29, 2009
Wow, I was just blown away by yet another inspirational story concerning the temimus (innocence) of a child.

My neighbor related the story to me as follows:

“My four-year-old daughter loves to sit in the window and hang her legs out through the bars. Well, I saw her doing this with her nightgown, without any socks or anything. I said to her, “It’s not tznius (modest) to have your legs dangling out of the window like that. Everyone can see them…”

My daughter’s answer was, “Ima, can’t we pretend that I am wearing skin color stockings like you wear?”
“Wow,” says my neighbor, shaking her head in disbelief. “What a wake up call.”

My neighbor has now begun wearing black thick socks as I do.

התכלת: סקירה היסטורית – הרב יחזקאל טופורוביץ

פתיחה ורקע | תכלת בזמן הזה | הרב יחזקאל טופורוביץ | כנס “מתחת לפני השטח – 2”

Jul 26, 2018

פתיחה ורקע | תכלת בזמן הזה | הרב יחזקאל טופורוביץ | כנס “מתחת לפני השטח – 2”
#תכלת #פתיל_תכלת #מורקס
בכנס “מתחת לפני השטח – 2” שנערך ע”י אגודת “מטמוני ארץ”, בחודש אב תשע”ח
דיבר הרב יחזקאל טופורוביץ על מצוות התכלת בזמננו, מקורות הלכתיים, ומבוא לדיון המתעורר בשנים האחרונות

אהבתם? הרשמו לערוץ ותוכלו לקבל התראה על כל קובץ חדש שעולה

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מאתר יוטיוב, כאן.

A Lack of Faith in the Invisible Hand – the Governmental Postal System

No, We Don’t Need a Government Post Office

08/22/2020

The US Postal Service has recently made a comeback in the headlines. Not only has the red ink it has long bathed in gotten deeper, but now it has become embroiled in mudslinging over vote-by-mail issues, such as people failing to get the ballots mailed to them and possible delays in processing election results, using that to make “new and improved” monetary bailout requests, with politicians and letter carrier unions attacking any cutbacks in service, even down to dropping underutilizing drop boxes.

With the Postal Service’s massive and unsustainable losses, what is striking is that even with a new reformer in charge, there is virtually no consideration of abandoning the USPS’s monopoly on first-class mail, allowing rivalry from private providers to reveal the services and prices market competition could offer. Not only does competition have a long record of success in countless products and services, but history shows it is not impossible in postal services. As Adam Summers has written,

Several private mail entrepreneurs sprouted up from about 1839–1851. While they were eventually shut down by the government, they proved that private mail delivery was possible. And the competition they provided forced the government to drastically reduce its prices in the process.

Summers brings up an important question: What so blinds us to even the possibility of allowing postal competition? He is not the first to ask that question. Leonard Read, wellspring of the Foundation of Economic Education and tireless advocate of “freedom philosophy,” wrote about the postal monopoly several times, starting more than half a century ago. The current mail meltdown makes it worth revisiting his understanding. Consider his insights from “Pre-Emptors: Agents of Destruction” in Comes the Dawn (1976) and “Causes of Authoritarianism” in Why Not Try Freedom? (1958):

Any time any activity is preempted, all thought as to how it would be conducted by free and self-responsible people is deadened.

An example…mail delivery. Our postal system is a socialistic institution….Its record? As all users know, a dramatic increase in rates, enormous deficits mounting annually, and service deteriorating rather than improving.

Observe the effect of this pre-emption: no intelligent thought of what this type of communication would be like among a free and self-responsible people.

There are many among us…without the slightest idea of what the freedom alternative would be. Why this blindness as to the results of freedom? The answer is: the actions of free men are quite impossible to foresee!

It is one thing to believe that competition affords more efficient service than does a monopoly. Indeed, this very belief is implicit in the arguments of government officials who refuse to permit private delivery of mail: the U.S. Postal Service couldn’t stand the competition; someone else would do it more efficiently and at less cost to the customer.

But as long as the monopoly is coercively maintained, there is no legal way to prove that the cost of performing an identical service would be lower under competition—or how much lower. Nor can it be proved beyond doubt that competitive private enterprise would indeed perform precisely the same services now available through the Postal monopoly.

But this is the whole point of anyone who believes in the blessings of competition as the most efficient way to provide the goods and services customers are willing and able to pay for. Such faith must concede that no one knows or can know in advance just the form in which the postal service would emerge and develop were everyone free to devote his own ingenuity and time and scarce resources toward serving the ever-changing demands of willing customers in a free market.

If all those changing conditions could be foreseen by any one individual, there is no logical reason why he could not make socialism work. But that is the whole case against socialism and for competitive private enterprise: the unknown is not foreseeable or predictable with certainty; conditions change, and freedom affords us the best possible chance to cope with those changes.

If one believes the Postal monopoly should be abolished, it is in part because he has witnessed miraculous market developments in the delivery of items other than mail.

Take voice delivery. How far could the human voice be delivered prior to the beginning of the Bell system…[now] the miracle of the market—around the earth…at the speed of light….Those who find this not particularly amazing are nonetheless reluctant to entrust the delivery of mail to the unhampered and unpredictable ingenuity of a free and self-responsible people!

Why this fear to try—this lack of faith in the potential wonders that might be ours? There are at least two reasons: (1) we cannot foresee the unknown and, thus, we are not attracted to the unimaginable, and (2) the moment a miracle is wrought, we take it as much for granted as the air we breathe….We no longer give it a second thought.

Years ago, I observed that no person knows how to make such a “simple” thing as an ordinary wooden lead pencil. Yet, that year, we made 1,600,000,000 pencils in the U.S.A. Were we to grasp this single miracle of the free market, we would know that there is not a person who knows how to operate a postal service.

Why, then, does the Free Society work its wonders? Why, when no one knows how to make a pencil, do we have such a proliferation of goods and services?…ideas by everyone are free to flow!…Ideas configurate and show forth in everything from billions of pencils to jet planes.

But most people fail to generate ideas on activities that have been pre-empted.

As the belief grows that coercion is the only practical way to get things done…belief in the competence of man acting privately, freely, voluntarily, competitively, cooperatively declines. As the former increases, the latter decreases.

In the U.S.A., for example, government has a monopoly of mail delivery. Ask citizens if government should do this and most…will reply in the affirmative. Why? Simply because government has pre-empted this activity for so many decades that all enterprisers have ceased to think how mail could be delivered were it a private enterprise opportunity. Indeed, most of them have come to believe that private enterprise would be wholly incapable of effective mail service.

Yet, I note that each day we deliver more pounds of milk than mail. Further, milk is more perishable than a love letter, a catalogue, or an appeal for funds…the delivery of milk is more prompt and less costly to us than is the delivery of mail.

I ask myself, then, why shouldn’t private enterprise deliver mail? Private enterprise delivers freight.

But, no; my countrymen have lost faith in man’s ability, acting freely, to deliver letters…men who do such fantastic things have lost faith in themselves to do the simple chore of letter delivery.

Today, even the massive, ongoing failures of the US Postal Service and the new political attention being drawn to it seem unable to overcome a pervasive blindness to the potential of competition to benefit Americans. That vindicates Leonard Read’s insight that not only are the ideas and the benefits that freedom can create often preempted by government, but that people can, as a result, lose the belief that a free society can do those things that have been coercively crowded out. And, in his ominous words, “A decline in faith in free men and what they can accomplish results in a rising faith in disastrous authoritarianism.”

The current postal situation offers a chance to rethink what many have been lulled into taking for granted. Not only is real competition a valid alternative, despite our inability to know in advance precisely what it would look like, but if the history of freedom is any guide, it would be far superior.

From Mises.org, here.