Collateral Murder: How the Empire Snuffed Out 11 Innocent Children at Once

How US “Good Guys” Wiped out an Afghan Family

It was 4 am when Masih Ur-Rahman Mubarez’s wife Amina called, an unusually early time for their daily chat. When he picked up the phone, he could hear the panic in her voice.

Amina was calling from the Afghan province of Wardak, where she brought up their children while he worked over the border in Iran to support them. She told him that soldiers were raiding their village. Some of them were speaking English. Amina was told to turn off her phone but Masih asked her not to – how would he know they were ok?

The call ended with Masih saying he would call again when things had calmed. But at 9 am, when he dialed his wife’s number, her phone was off. He tried again at 9.30am. Still off. Through the whole of that day and the next, he repeatedly called. But Amina’s phone remained off.

It took another day for him to learn the truth. Relatives avoided his calls or gave vague replies to his questions until finally, his brother broke the news. “He tried to avoid telling me the whole story, but I insisted that he tell me the truth,” Masih recalled in a wavering voice. “He told me to have patience in God – no one is left.”

An airstrike on Masih’s house had killed his wife and all his seven children, alongside four young cousins. His youngest child was just four years old.

In the following weeks, as grief consumed Masih, so did an intense need for answers. Who had killed his family and why?

His journey to find out would last more than eight months, pit him against military and government officials, and see him face obfuscation and denials. It would lead him to work alongside the Bureau and journalists from The New York Times, putting together a puzzle piece by piece. Ultimately it would lead to one definitive conclusion – the US military had dropped the fatal bomb.

His story is one window into the struggles faced by families across Afghanistan every day. Airstrikes are raining down on the country, with US and Afghan operations now killing more civilians than the insurgency for the first time in a decade. But getting confirmation of who has carried out a fatal strike is often impossible. An apology, or any form of public accountability, is even harder to obtain.

The US denied repeatedly that it had bombed Masih’s house, or even that any airstrike in his area had taken place. But using satellite imagery, photos, and open source content, we proved that denial false. Following our investigation, the military has now admitted that it did conduct a strike in that location, but it still denies it resulted in civilian deaths.

A happy life destroyed

“Prior to my house being bombed, I had a normal life. I was married, had four daughters and three sons,” Masih told our reporter in Kabul. “Our life was full of love.”

Masih was the head teacher in a local school run by a Swedish organisation before financial issues forced him to seek employment in construction in Iran in 2014. He still reminisces about his days in the village of Mullah Hafiz, where he split his time between farming, teaching, and his children. “We were so happy,” he says.

Exactly what happened on the day of the strike is not clear. Villagers say that overnight on September 22 2018, bombs were dropped in Mullah Hafiz, which lies in a Taliban-controlled area. The same night, they said, soldiers carried out a raid on the village as part of an operation on a Taliban prison, which was about 200 metres away from Masih’s house. One of the villagers said Taliban fighters had fired on the soldiers from some civilian homes.

A cousin of Masih’s told us he and other male relatives were taken away and detained, alongside some other villagers. At some point the next morning, a strike hit Masih’s house. When his relatives returned, they found the building flattened. In the rubble were the bodies of Amina, the seven children, and their four cousins, they say.

Masih’s children were aged between four and 14 years old; his wife Amina was 32. The cousins, all girls, were aged from 10 to 16.

Continue reading…

From Lewrockwell.com, here.

האם יש לנשים איסור נוסף בעישון?

האם מותר לנשים לעשן

כ”ב שבט התשע”ה | 11.02.15 00:00

שאלה

עישון לנשים האם מותר או אסור? ואם אסור בפרהסיא בבית האם יש בעיה ליד הבעל?

תשובה

שלום רב,

כבר כתב הגר”ע יוסף זצ”ל, שהנשים בארץ ישראל בזמן הזה לא נהגו לעשן כלל, ואין זה מדרכי בנות ישראל הצנועות. ומדבריו קצת נראה שעיקר הבעיה היא בזה שאישה מעשנת בפרהסיא. אלא שכמובן צריך להזכיר שדעת הרופאים בזמנינו שהעישון מזיק מאוד לבריאות, ומביא לידי מחלות קשות, ומסכן את חיי האדם, ושומר נפשו ירחק מזה.

מקורות: דברי הגר”ע יוסף זצ”ל נמצאים בספרו טהרת הבית חלק ב’ (מהדורת תשע”ט עמוד קלו). וכיוצא בזה כתב בשו”ת יצחק ירנן חלק ב’ (חלק יורה דעה סימן ו). ואמנם ראה בשו”ת תשובות והנהגות חלק א’ (סימן תנו) שסובר, שאישה שמעשנת, יש חשש שעוברת על איסור תורה של “לא יהיה כלי גבר על אישה”, ושלפי זה גם בבית אסור לה לעשן. אכן בשו”ת שערי יושר חלק ג’ (חלק יורה דעה סימן יא אות ב) העלה, שאין איסור “לא יהיה כלי גבר על אישה” באישה שמעשנת סגריות, אלא שמאחר שהוא מעשה פריצות ושחצנות גדול לאישה לעשן סיגריות, על כן היא צריכה להתרחק מזה מאוד. ושלכן אם היא רוצה לעשן סיגריות בצינעה כדי להרגיע את העצבים, אין בזה בעיה של פריצות. וע”ע בשו”ת ישכיל עבדי חלק ו’ (חלק אבן העזר סימן א) ובשו”ת ויצבור יוסף חלק א’ (סימן עא) ובספר טהרת יום טוב חלק ט’ (עמוד פב) במכתבו של הגר”י שטייף זצ”ל, ובשו”ת באר משה חלק ד’ (סימן עה).

בברכה,

הלל מאירס

מאתר הידברות, כאן.

Bli’os Are Not ‘Real’

Matos-Masei

Hechsher and Tevilas Keilim

“כל דבר אשר יבא באש תעבירו באש וטהר אך במי נדה יתחטא וכל אשר לא יבא באש תעבירו במים” (לא:כג)

 

Hechsher keilim is the alef-beis of a kosher kitchen.  In addition to purging a used utensil bought from a Goy of its non-kosher blios, there is also the din of tevilas keilim which is learned from here.  It is a machlokes Rishonim if tevilas keilim is a derasha gemurah d’Oraysah, or if it is an asmachta d’Rabbanan.

 

Regarding geirus, there are two steps (nowadays): milah and tevilah.  That is the order the Gemara puts it in.  There is a machlokes, though if the order is l’ikuvah.  The Ramban holds that even if the tevilah was done before the milah, it still works.  However, the Rashba holds that it doesn’t work.  His reason is based on that which Chazal say, “Ha’poreish min ha’orlah k’poreish min ha’kever”.

 

For Jews, lack of bris milah does not effect the inherent kedushas Yisrael.  There were communities in Europe that wanted to enact that children not given a bris milah would not be registered as Jews in the official communal archives.  However, Reb Chaim (Brisker) said that you cannot do that.  It is wrong.  He is still a Yid.

 

When it comes to a Goy, though, the Rashba holds that the lack of bris milah is inherently contradictory to tevilah.  For a ger, it’s not just a particular mitzvah.  So long as he still has orlah, according to the Rashba, the tevilah cannot take effect.

 

Interestingly enough, the Ritva at the end of Maseches Avodah Zarah says that the same machlokes would apply to tevilas keilim.  That, according to the shitah of the Rashba, being baluah with non-kosher taam makes it that tevilahcannot take effect on the kli.

 

The Ramban asks, why is it that this issue of hechsher keilim only arose now by milchemes Midyan?  Why wasn’t it addressed by the conquest of Sichon and Og, wherein there was quite a lot of spoils of war?

 

The Gemara learns out from “batim m’lei’im kol tuv” that during war it is mutar to eat maachalos asuros.  The Rambam holds that this is true regarding any war being waged within enemy territory (“gvul Akum”), but only if they don’t have kosher food available to eat.  The Rambam puts this together with the din of yefas toar, that it is also a function of “lo dibrah Torah elah k’neged yeitzer hara”.  The Rambam also includes yayin nesech in this heter.

 

The Ramban, though, argues on all three points.  He holds that the heter is only regarding kibush Eretz Yisrael.  It is even if they have kosher food; it is simply hutrah.  It is not “dibrah Torah k’neged yeitzer hara”; it is heter gamur.  Also, the heter does not apply to yayin nesech, since yayin nesech is not just non-kosher, but it also has a din of biur avodah zarah.

 

L’shitaso, the Ramban resolves his question.  Eretz Sichon v’Og did not have to be conquered now; it could have waited until l’asid lavoh.  However, inherently it is part of nachalas Eretz Yisrael.  Therefore, once Sichon and Ogattacked, and it became necessary to conquer them and their land, it had a full-fledged din of kibush ha’Aretz.  Therefore, the heter of eating non-kosher food applied.  As such, there was no necessity to worry about blios either.  However, milchemes Midyan had nothing to do with kibush Eretz Yisrael – it is chutz la’Aretz – and the heter did not apply there.  That is why it was the very first time that they needed to deal with the dinim of hechsher keilim.

 

The Achronim ask on the Ramban, even though the heter of maachalos asuros applied in the war against Sichon and Og, why didn’t they have to be concerned for blios of yayin nesech, which the Ramban holds is not included in the heter?!  Many answer – and it is a correct, lomdisheh teirutz – that the din of biur avodah zarah does not apply to taamwhich is baluah inside of keilim.  It so happens, that the same thing is true regarding taam of chametz inside of keilim, that there is no din of tashbisu.  The whole reason the heter of “m’lei’im kol tuv” does not apply to yayin nesech is because of the din of biur avodah zarah; so, regarding taam of yayin nesech inside of keilim, where there is no din of biur, the heter does apply.

 

There is yet another question that we can ask on this Ramban.  Why didn’t the din of tevilas keilim apply by milchemes Sichon v’Og?  Rav Yerucham Gorelick said over a teirutz in the name of Reb Chaim: the din of tevilas keilim is only when you bought it from the Goy, but by milchemes Sichon v’Og they were zocheh in the keilim from the cheirem.  That is what Reb Chaim said, but I am not sure exactly what it means.

From Vayigdal Moshe, here.

We Get Socialism From the Incas…

The Ancient Incas and the Collectivist State

machu.PNG

Examples of government control over social and economic life are as old as recorded history, and they always have features that are universal in their perverse effects regardless of time or place. One of the most famous of these collectivist episodes was that of the Incas and their empire in South America.

The Inca Empire emerged out of a small tribe in the Peruvian mountains in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Theirs was a military theocracy. The Inca kings rationalized their brutal rule on the basis of a myth that the Sun god, Inti, took pity on the people in those mountains and sent them his son and other relatives to teach them how to build homes and how to manufacture rudimentary products of everyday life. The later Inca rulers then claimed that they were the descendants of these divine beings and therefore were ordained to command and control all those who came under their power and authority

The Inca Empire of Conquest and Collectivism

The fourteenth and especially the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries saw the expansion of the Incas into a great imperial power with control over a territory that ran along the west coast of South America and included much of present-day Peru, Ecuador, Bolivia, Chile, and parts of Argentina and Colombia. The Incas were brought down in the 1530s by the Spanish conquest under the leadership of Francisco Pizarro.

The Inca kings, asserting to be both sons and priests of the Sun god, held mastery of all the people and property in his domains. And like most socialist systems throughout history they combined both privilege and egalitarianism. When the invading Spaniards entered the Inca capital of Cuzco, they were amazed by the grandeur of the palaces, temples, and homes of the Inca elite, as well as the system of aqueducts and paved roads.

But having an economy based on slave labor, there had been few incentives or profitable gains from the development of machines and tools to raise the productivity of the work force or reduce the amount of labor needed to perform the tasks of farming and manufacturing. Methods of production were generally primitively labor-intensive. Thus, the Spaniards, in comparison, were far better equipped with more advanced instruments of war to defeat the Incas.

The Inca Elite and the “Communism” of the Common People

The Inca rulers imposed on almost all in society a compulsory equalitarianism in virtually all things. In The Socialism Phenomena (1980), the Soviet-era dissident, Igor Shafarevich, (1923–2017) explained:

The complete subjugation of life to the prescriptions of the law and to officialdom led to extraordinary standardization: identical clothing, identical houses, identical roads. … As a result of this spirit of standardization, anything the least bit different was looked upon as dangerous and hostile, whether it was the birth of twins or the discovery of a strangely shaped rock. Such things were believed to be manifestations of evil forces hostile to society.

To what extent is it possible to call the Inca state socialist? … Socialist principles were clearly expressed in the structure of the Inca state: the almost complete absence of private property, in particular of private land; absence of money and trade; the complete elimination of private initiative from all economic activities; detailed regulation of private life; marriage by official decrees; state distribution of wives and concubines.

The Rigid and Detailed Planning of Everyday Life

An especially detailed description of the nature and workings of the Inca state is found in the classic work, A Socialist Empire: The Incas of Peru (1927), by the French economist and historian Louis Baudin (1887–1964). The Incas ruled through a cruel and pervasive system of command and control over everyday life. Baudin explained:

Every socialist system must rest upon a powerful bureaucratic administration. In the Inca Empire, as soon as a province was conquered, its population would be organized on a hierarchical basis, and the [imperial] officials would immediately set to work. … They were in general in charge of the preparation of the statistical tables, the requisitioning of the supplies and provisions needed by their group [over whom they ruled] (seeds, staple foods, wool, etc.), the distribution of the production of the products obtained, the solicitation of assistance and relief in case of need, the supervision of the conduct of their inferiors, and the rendering of complete reports and accounts to their superiors. These operations were facilitated by the fact that those under their supervision were obliged to admit them to their homes at any moment, and allow them to inspect everything in their homes, down to the cooking utensils, and even to eat with the doors open …

The Inca bureaucracy cast its net over all those that it ruled and soon transformed them into docile and obedient subjects through a “slow and gradual absorption of the individual into the state … until it brought about the loss of personality. Man was made for the state, and not the state for the man,” Baudin said. The Incas tried to banish “the two great causes of popular disaffection, poverty and idleness. … But by the same token, they dried up the two springs of progress, initiative and provident concern for the future.” The Inca government did all the thinking and planning for their subjects, with the result that there was a “stagnation of commerce … lack of vitality and the absence of originality in the arts, dogmatism in science, and the rareness of even the simplest inventions.”

The Inca Welfare State and Human Inertia

This inertia was fostered through the institutions of the welfare state. “As for the provident concern for the future,” Baudin asked,“ how could that have been developed among a people whose public granaries were crammed with provisions and whose public officials were authorized to distribute them in case of need? There was never a need to think beyond the necessities of the moment.”

In addition, the Inca welfare state undermined the motive for charity and any personal sense of responsibility for family or community:

But what is even more serious is that the substitution of the state for the individual in the economic domain destroyed the spirit of charity. The native Peruvian, expecting the state to do everything, no longer had to concern himself with his fellow man and had to come to his aid only if required by law. The members of a community were compelled to work on the land for the benefit of those who were incapacitated; but when this task had been performed, they were free from all further obligations. They had to help their neighbors if ordered to do so by their chiefs, but they were obliged to do nothing on their own initiative. That is why, by the time of the Spanish conquest, the most elementary humanitarian feelings were in danger of disappearing entirely.

Continue reading…

From Mises.org, here.

Rabbi Nosson Kamenetsky OBM: ‘Daas Torah Says to Use Your OWN Brain!’

Rav Nosson Kamenetsky, zt”l