Bilaam: The Royal, One-Eyed, Flying People-Eater!

Bilaam’s true identity

Over Shabbos, I had a revelation about Bilaam:
a) He only had one eye. (Sanhedrin 105a, based on Bemidbar 24:3)
b) While not wanting to live a Jewish life, he wanted to die among the righteous Jews, and so could be considered quasi-Jewish. (Bemidbar 23:20) (Alternatively, ketoafot re’em lo, “he has the horn of the unicorn”, in Bemidbar 23:22)
c) He could fly. (Midrash Rabba on Balak)
d) He was royalty – as Bela ben Beor, he was one of the kings of Edom. (Bereishit 36:32)
e) His name is a contraction of bala’ ‘am, swallower of a people.

Thus:

♫ He was a (a) one eyed, (b) one horned, (c) flying (d) purple (e) people eater. ♪

From Parshablog, here.

Yet ANOTHER Rightist Call to Shut Down Haaretz Online… (Who’s Next?)

The nakba that is Ha’aretz

by Victor Rosenthal
One who becomes compassionate instead of cruel, will ultimately become cruel instead of compassionate…
Midrash Kohelet Rabba (a discussion of this is here)The lead editorial in Ha’aretz today is headlined “The Nakba isn’t Going Away,” and it touts a longer article by investigative journalist Hagar Shezaf published last week, about how Defense Ministry personnel have collected and sealed documents that describe the alleged expulsion and other ill-treatment of Arabs at the time of Israel’s War of Independence and afterwards.

The editorial accuses Israel of “expulsion, looting, murder and rape” in 1948. There is no doubt that some of these things did occur, although it is also true that we were far kinder to the Arabs than they would have been to us if they had won. I don’t object to the publication of such facts, although Ha’aretz has a tendency to exaggerate the extent and cruelty of our deeds and to accept the narrative of our enemies uncritically. What I do violently object to is their attribution of moral guilt and demand for some kind of accounting for it toward the Palestinians.

The editorial concludes:

Israel at age 71 is strong enough to address the moral failings of its past. The Nakba won’t go away. It’s still there in the landscape, in the rows of pear cactus of the abandoned villages, in the many arched houses of Jaffa and Haifa, and in the memory of the Palestinian community in Israel, and in the territories and across the border.

Instead of censoring and concealing things, the history of Israel’s establishment and the Palestinian society that was uprooted should be studied and taught. Commemoration signs should be put up at the sites of destroyed villages, and the moral dilemmas that have accompanied Israel since 1948 should be faced. Such recognition won’t resolve the conflict, but it will place dialogue between Jews and Palestinians in Israel on a foundation of truth instead of lies, shame and concealment.

No, this is absolutely not what “should” happen. Israel was born in war, a war that was forced on it by Arabs who couldn’t abide Jewish sovereignty, and who planned – in the words of Abdul Rahman Azzam, Secretary-General of the Arab League – “a war of extermination and momentous massacre which will be spoken of like the Mongolian massacre and the Crusades.” A pity, for the Ha’aretz editorial board, that we won the war and now have “moral failings” to address as a result. But we did, and there is no reason to be apologetic about it, or to get nostalgic over the losses of our enemies, who, incidentally, have not stopped murdering us whenever the opportunity presents itself.

Perhaps they wouldn’t be murdering us today if we had followed the same policy in 1967 that the Jordanians did when they conquered Judea/Samaria and part of Jerusalem in 1948. Every single Jew living in areas under their control was forced to leave at gunpoint. Some were murdered. Synagogues were destroyed, gravestones uprooted, and not a trace of the former Jewish inhabitants was allowed to remain. Did newspapers in Jordan call for a “dialogue” or agonize about their “moral failures?” To ask the question is to answer it.

War is ugly, especially when two peoples are fighting over a piece of ground. There were massacres and rapes on both sides (Benny Morris believes that he has evidence for at least a dozen rapes committed by Jewish forces, something that surprised both Morris and me). I think that he is correct when he says that “the entire [Jewish] leadership” understood that there would be no Jewish state as long as there wasn’t a large Jewish majority, and that it was absolutely necessary to encourage the Arabs to leave.

And that isn’t a moral problem. It was them or us, quite simply; and our claim on the land was stronger than theirs and we had fewer alternatives. Would Israel have survived its first 19 years if significantly fewer Arabs had fled in 1948? I doubt it. And if the Arabs had won the war, Azzam’s threat would surely have been carried out.

This is a fact of human life. It has always been so. Population transfers have occurred after almost every major war. Indeed, we were not cruel enough. I think that in the long run, there would have been fewer victims on both sides and more security in the region as a whole if Israel had expelled the Arabs of Judea, Samaria, and Eastern Jerusalem in 1967.

Just a note about “investigative journalist” Shazef. She works for Ha’aretz, but she is also paid by a European foundation, supported in part by George Soros’ Open Society Foundations, the Flemish (Belgian) government, and other European sources, to write anti-Israel articles. But naturally she doesn’t let that cloud her journalistic judgment. Naturally.

What is the matter with Jews like the ones on the Ha’aretz editorial board? Why are they obsessed with bashing their country, the one that may have given their parents and grandparents a home when no other country would? Why do they find it so easy to understand the pain of the Palestinian Arabs, who themselves have brought so much pain into the world, but they can’t cut Israel a break? Why do they advocate national suicide for their own people out of concern for others? That isn’t morality, it’s stupidity.

We do not have to feel “shame” for 1948, and we have nothing to be ashamed of today, when the IDF shoots Arabs dead when they climb border fences. Gideon Levy, another Ha’aretz operative, eloquently mourns poor Abdallah Gheith, a teenager who “dreamed of praying at the Al-Aqsa Mosque,” and was shot climbing the fence. According to Levy, his father took him and a cousin to the fence and dropped them off! I am sure that he just wanted to live his dream of praying at al-Aqsa, aren’t you? Levy calls the border policeman that shot him a “murderer.” I call him someone doing a dangerous job, protecting traitors like Levy and the rest of the Ha’aretz gang from young men like Gheith, who might stick a knife in their necks on the street.

Because “traitor” is not too strong a word. Israel’s War of Independence never ended; every few years it flares up, but between times smolders in a deadly way. And the Ha’aretz newspaper, 60% owned by publisher Amos Schocken, who controls its editorial policy, is a brigade in service of Israel’s enemies. Although its Hebrew edition is the by far the least popular of Israel’s major newspapers, its English edition and website in English are widely read by government officials and businesspeople around the world. By presenting an almost uniformly critical view of Israel and Israelis in its opinion pages, and by slanting news reports to present Israel in the worst possible light, Ha’aretz contributes to the campaign to demonize and delegitimize Israel that is part of the international effort to destroy it.

This constitutes treason. I understand that a free press is an important part of a free country, and that makes it difficult to shut down or prosecute a newspaper. But why do we need Ha’aretz when we have Aljazeera and Palestinian Authority newspapers?

I would like to understand what Schocken, Levy, and the others see when they stand in front of the mirror. After all, they are Israelis too. Does this cause them to feel the “shame” that they want all of us to feel? Or do they see themselves as courageous fighters for the “truth,” which is that Israelis are murderers and Arabs saintly victims?

It’s the latter, of course. They are not “self-hating” Jews, because they clearly love and value themselves. It’s just the Jewish people that they hate.

The Strange ‘Logic’ Against Ascending the Temple Mount…

Q&A: The Temple Mount

July 10, 2019

Question: Should I ascend the Temple Mount?

Answer: One should look forward to fulfilling any of the commandments. You should know that there are many obligatory commandments that you can only perform if you were to ascend the mount. It is also the ideal place to pray. Therefore, all agree that you should strive to merit to be able to perform those commandments properly, and that involves ascending the mount. However, it is due to other, external, and, unfortunately, political, considerations that make ascending the mount impractical at most times, and lead others, including the Rabbinate and senior voices within the Rabbinic establishment, to outright prohibit ascension.

Question: What are the arguments for and against?

Answer: The arguments for ascension:

1. Performing the commandments that can only be performed there. 2. Improving understanding of the relevant facets of the Torah through practical experience. 3. Solidifying the Jewish claim to the mount. Leaving the mount devoid of Jews strengthens the claim of the evil ones, be they the adherents of false religions or adherents of political ideologies that ultimately mimic false religions, e.g., leftists, that the mount is not the domain of loyal Jews, while a strong and constant Jewish religious presence on the mount reinforces the claim. 4. Bringing positive attention to the issue, which hopefully leads to more Jews seeking to perform the commandments related to the Temple Mount.

The arguments against: 1. Risking violation of severe prohibitions. As we have written about before, this is an argument against eating meat and being married also, and even stepping outside on the Sabbath. God wants us to observe the commandments, and He gave us rules He knew we could follow. 2. Doubts as to the areas that are completely off limits even according to  a strict reading of the permissive halachoth. These, however, are continually being removed thanks to expanded research. I am very happy with the latest Makbili edition of the Mishneh Torah in four volumes, which has many detailed appendices detailing this and other important points. 3. Harming the credibility and stature of the Chief Rabbinate. I personally believe that the Rabbinate should at least choose some course of action beyond staying out. More on that below. 4. Provoking the international community, the Arab world, etc. By this logic, we should not be leaving in Israel or observing any Judaism, or even breathing.

Question: Why make a big deal out of this now?

Answer: This has actually been a big deal for 52 years now. You’re just hearing about this because of the positive feedback. More people ascend the mount, leading to more discussions about the mount, leading to more looking into the matter and deciding to ascend. The same happened with immigration to Palestine a century ago, and the same happened with regard to construction of the Temple in the time of King David. More becoming interested, more becoming convinced, more actively and passively persuading others.

Question: What do you do?

Answer: My own practice should be irrelevant, and while you can tell that I want to take a part in trying to shift the public discussion and opinion, and to celebrate the day when we can begin to perform the commandments, I refuse to openly encourage others to go against the Chief Rabbinate’s ruling. Everyone should follow his LOR.

Question: What is the role of the Chief Rabbinate regarding the Temple Mount?

Answer: The Chief Rabbinate’s job is ideally to decide on matters of halacha for the entire Jewish people. Many know that in practice this is not the case, but they still see the Rabbinate as a body which, at least in Israel, should not be openly contradicted. Hence, R’ Schachter’s position. However, R’ Tendler has been very open about ignoring the Rabbinate’s insistent prohibition. I feel, and I have expressed this to the personal secretary of the Chief Rabbi, that it is hard for the community which looks to the Chief Rabbinate for guidance to accept a longterm order to sit and do nothing out of doubt. Such a policy may have been conceivable before the Jews had any real political and military power, for example, during the Ottoman and Mandatory periods, but now it is the Rabbinate’s job to lead. They’re supposed to publish guidelines as to how to prepare for entry to and to act on the Temple Mount, and explain in concrete terms how they are and we should be preparing for the day when the Temple Mount and its laws are the center of Jewish worship. Instead of those booklets re-iterating the ban against ascending the mount, they should be publishing practical guidebooks about the laws of ritual purity and impurity. It was in this spirit that I submitted copies of Haggadat Hapesah, my version of the Passover Haggada adjusted for the reality of the Passover sacrifice being a part of the seder, to the chief rabbis, as an example of the type of publications they should be preparing for public dissemination. The Rabbinate should start a public fund for the Heqdesh, the Temple treasury, and should be laying the groundwork for collecting silver half sheqels from all Jewish males. I will not go so far as to suggest that they begin planning for the building of the Temple, because that is for the King, i.e. the national government, but the halachic planning needs to happen.

Question: Who should be in charge of entry to the Temple mount?

Answer: The Levites, I believe. Some weeks ago, I was asked about the role ascribed to the Levites in the Temple: Upon reaching adulthood, they would train for five years in order to learn to sing and act as gatekeepers. Granted that most need professional musical training, but for gatekeeping? How much was there to learn? The answer, I believe, is that just like today, the Temple mount is secured by a large police force and the entrances are closely guarded, in the ideal state, the Temple Mount and temple precincts will be secured by the Levites, and they will not just act as ceremonial gatekeepers and watchmen at night, as described in the Mishna, but rather, they will actually vet entry to the various areas of the mount, and be in charge of making sure that only those who have purified themselves properly and have business on the mount be granted entry. So too, within the Temple courtyard, part of the priests’ role will be to prevent frivolous and unnecessary entry into the sanctuary edifice. History has shown that the Levites and Kohanim took on the role of securing, policing, and defending the Temple both from intruders and from ritual deviations, and sometimes even used lethal force.

Question: What is one supposed to do on the Temple Mount?

Answer: Bring sacrifice, pray, prostrate, and leave. One should not enter empty handed, but if he is prevented from bringing sacrifices, he may do without. There is also a whole list of things one should not do on the Temple Mount.

Question: What should be one’s thoughts on the Temple mount?

Answer: Dread of He who domiciled His name there, and joy for being able to serve Him.

Continue reading…

From Rabbi Avi Grossman, here.

‘Shefot Hashoftim’? – How Competing Judges Can Work

Bargaining into Anarchic Order

A long time ago, my friend and colleague Gordon Tullock wrote a chapter for a book on anarchy in which he argued that it was impossible to bargain one’s way out of Hobbesian anarchy, the war of each against all. His argument was simple: Until you had a state, no contract, including that one, could be enforced, so making a contract had no effect. Reading it, I concluded that the argument was both obvious and wrong. As anyone who knew Gordon would understand, the opportunity to say so, if possible in print, was one I could not resist, so I wrote a review of the book. This chapter is based on the argument of that review.

Arnold and Bill are the only inhabitants of a small Hobbesian anarchy: no government, no customs, no pre-existing rules. It occurs to both of them that the situation has serious problems. Anything one of them gathers, the other might steal, and spending full time guarding things makes it hard to gather more. A possible solution is for one of them to kill the other; adequate precautions to prevent that will make it hard to do much else. There should be a better way.

Arnold proposes one. There is a stream running though the forest. He will take one side of it for his territory, Bill the other side for his. Each will agree not to trespass on the other’s territory without permission. The agreement will be enforced by the threat of violence; Arnold makes it clear that if he finds Bill on his side of the stream after they have agreed to the division, he will do his best to beat him up, and that he expects Bill to behave similarly. A fight to the death is likely to be a losing proposition even for the winner, so each has a clear incentive to abide by their agreement, provided that each believes the other is committed to enforcing it.

Arnold and Bill have just created private property in land. They have done so by reinventing territorial behavior, a survival strategy practiced by various species of animals, mostly birds and fishes. Territorial animals mark the territory they claim and enforce the claim to territory by a commitment strategy, by somehow turning a switch in their brain that makes them attack a trespasser of their own species more and more fiercely the further into the territory he comes. Unless the trespasser is much larger than the defender, a fight to the death is a loss for both, so once the trespasser realizes the defender is commited to fight, he retreats..

Time passes. Arnold locates, a grove of apple trees, clears out the surrounding undergrowth and harvests the fruit. Bill has found an outcropping flint, chipped himself an axe, and is using it to cut down some trees in order to build a hut—he is tired of being rained on. One day Bill notices Arnold, on his side of the creek, watching him work, and comes over to chat—politely leaving his axe behind.

Arnold has a deal to propose. If Bill will cut down several large trees currently shading the apple grove, Arnold will promise to give Bill a bushel of apples from each year’s harvest. Bill agrees to the deal and performs his part of the contract.

Arnold considers the possibility of reneging on his—picking a bushel of apples is a fair amount of work and, once picked, he would rather eat them himself than hand them over to Bill. It occurs to him, however, that Bill still has an axe and can use it, if he wants, against Arnold’s apple trees the next time Arnold is somewhere else. Or, if he prefers, against Arnold. He decides to deliver the apples as per contract.

The reason Bill gets the apples is not that he has cut down shade trees but that he can cut down apple trees—once the contract is agreed to, it is the threat, not the past performance, that makes Arnold deliver. Why couldn’t Bill have saved himself a considerable amount of work by starting with the threat, telling Arnold that he will cut down the apple trees unless Arnold pays him a bushel of apples not to? How, if at all, does making the initial agreement and performing Bill’s half of it change the strategic situation?

The answer requires a brief digression.

Schelling Points: The Idea

A professor calls a student into his Yale office and asks him to participate in an experiment with the possibility of a reward. The objective is to rendezvous with another student in New York city by both being at the same place at the same time. If they succeed, they will each get a hundred dollars. Neither knows the other’s name and, even if they know or guess it, they are not permitted to communicate before meeting.

To win the prize, each has to guess where and when the other will try to meet him. One way of doing so is to figure out what time and place each will see as unique, since if their criterion for choice yields more than one answer they might choose different answers and so miss each other. Time is pretty easy—given our system of time keeping, noon and midnight are the only times that appear unique. Which they choose will depend on how long it takes them to get from New Haven to New York and what hours they normally keep. If it does not take too long and they are not night owls, noon is the obvious choice.

Where is harder. When I first read about the problem, my suggestion was the top of the Empire State building. That was, at the time, the tallest building in the world, making it unique in a fairly obvious sense. It turned out, however, that there was no such place. The building had four observation decks spaced around the four sides, with no obvious way of deciding which one to meet at. I am told that in the real world experiment, proposed by Thomas Schelling some fifty years ago and later implemented by someone else, the students met under the clock at Grand Central Station, to them the obvious unique meeting place. At noon.

This is a story about coordination without communication. What makes it relevant to this chapter—and much else—is that  that describes not only situations where you are unable to speak to each other but also situations where you can speak but neither party has a good reason to believe what the other says.

For that version of Schelling’s idea, replace our two Yale students with two bank robbers. Having pulled off a successful heist they must decide how to split the loot before going their separate ways—and if they argue about it for too long the police may show up. Each played a different role in the robbery and each believes that his contribution was larger than that of his accomplice. I predict that they will split the money evenly, not because either thinks that fair but because that is the one division that both see as unique, hence as an alternative to interminable bargaining. They can talk to each other, but if one insists that he will not agree to any division that gives him less than 60% of the money the other has no reason to believe him. Fifty-fifty is different.

The analysis applies to a wide variety of bargaining situations. Both parties are better off reaching agreement, each would prefer to do it on terms more favorable to himself, and the longer they bargain the less the benefit to be shared between them. In the case of the bank robbers, that is represented by the risk that the cops will show up. In union/management bargaining, lost wages and revenue during a strike. In bargaining over a treaty to end a war, lives lost and property destroyed. The logic of all three situations is the same.

Schelling Points: The Application

The deal by which Arnold and Bill established their mutual property rights was a result of the Schelling point provided by the stream that they chose as their boundary. Bill could have tried to insist on getting everything on his side of the stream plus a strip on the other side. Arnold could have made a similar demand. They could have tried to divide the territory on some other basis, drawing an arbitrary line determining what each got. Any of those alternatives would have raised the same problem faced by the bank robbers haggling over their loot. For any offer Bill can make, Arnold can make a counter offer more favorable to himself. If they bargain too long, they may starve—or one of them may lose patience and take a convenient opportunity to brain the other. The stream provides a division that is simple, unique, already defined.

Before the Apple contract was made, Bill could have tried to extort apples from Arnold. Doing so would have created a bargaining situation, a mutual threat game. They have a common interest in Bill refraining from using his axe on either Arnold or Arnold’s orchard. They have a conflict of interest over how many apples Arnold pays Bill. The one Schelling point in that strategic situation is for Bill to respect the original division of the land, leaving Arnold with all his apples.

Once Bill has performed his half of the contract, there is a new Schelling point—for Arnold to pay Bill a bushel a year, as agreed. The agreement has changed the situation, not because either party considers himself morally bound to keep his word but because the agreement changes a fact that affects the outcome of their bargaining—the structure of the alternatives as both perceive it.

A different way of looking at the situation is to say that both Bill and Arnold have an incentive to establish a reputation for keeping their contracts, since that will permit further cooperation in the future—the discipline of constant dealings discussed back in Chapter 29 when I was explaining why firms would abide by their arbitration agreements. But we now have the tool to look into the question a little further.

Suppose Arnold renegs on his contract, pays no apples, and somehow gets away with it. Next year Arnold again wants Bill’s help. Bill’s response is proverbial: “Fooled me once, shame on you, fooled me twice, shame on me.” Arnold explains that he is wrong. It is true that Arnold broke his word once, but that was last year. Arnold explains that his policy, his consistent policy, is to break his word the first time, keep it forever after.

Why does Bill refuse to believe him? Because always keeping your word is a unique policy, a Schelling point. Keeping your word from the second year on is no more unique than keeping it on every other year, or every third year, or days when it doesn’t rain. No more unique than breaking it the first two years and then keeping it—and this is the second year. Schelling points help us understand why the discipline of constant dealings works: People perceive “always keep your word” as a unique policy, hence a Schelling point on which bargainers can converge.

I believe I have now shown why Gordon Tullock’s claim that, absent a government to enforce contracts, making a contract has no effect, hence individuals cannot bargain their way out of a Hobbesian anarchy. Making the contract changes the strategic situation by changing the pattern of Schelling points. Hence contracts are, to at least some degree, self-enforcing.

From David Friedman, here.

BOLD CLAIM: Political Passion = Betrayal of Jewish Theocracy

Jews obsessing over politics (and watching sports)

Hesh writes in FrumSatire about “Jewishness of the Obama and McCain campaigns”. This Jewish obsession with politics very much annoys me.
Another example of this political [censored]:

A campaign button on her lapel says, in Hebrew, “Barack Obama ‘08” and Soifer explains the agenda this way: “We are here today to talk about Sen. Barack Obama and Joe Biden’s record, and to ensure that Baruch Obama is elected the next president of the United States.

Her use of the Hebrew name Baruch brings applause and laughter. The heavy turnout showed Democratic enthusiasm, but several of those on hand said they were former Hillary Clinton supporters and some of their friends were still slow to warm to Obama.

The first time I read this, I almost puked.

Many Jews don’t realize that we are primarily citizens of the Jewish State — no, not the modern Israel, but the Jewish theocratic state established by Yehoshua and then re-established after the first golus. Yes, it doesn’t exist today physically, but that merely means that we are a state in exile (ever heard of golus?), with government in exile (the rebbeim from the times of Mishna till now, who are spiritual and legal descendants of the Sanhedrin, the real Jewish government body) and still legally bound to obey its laws (ever heard of halacha?).

It is just like Poland during WWII: they too had people in exile and government in exile. While returning to Poland was impossible (since it was occupied by a hostile government — like Eretz Yosroel has been for the duration of the last golus), Poles in exile with their government-in-exile were residing in England. As a result, they had a situation of dual citizenship: Polish and British — which meant that while living in the UK they had to follow its laws (obviously) and have minimal level of participation in the society to repay UK for its hospitality (pay taxes, learn English, participate in local business, when possible contribute to overall welfare of the society). But why would a Pole in exile become emotionally invested into who gets elected to the UK Parliament and become really involved in the election campaign?

Hello, people? We are here temporarily, while our home is destroyed and we are waiting for it to be rebuilt. We appreciate the hospitality of this nation, we repay it by being minimally involved and contributing to the overall stability of society — but this is not our home!

This is just from a historical point of view. Obviously, from a yiddishkeit point of view, it is not a Jew’s business to be involved in the goyishe society’s affairs at all — except when minimally necessary: to support oneself and one’s family, for example. Our main goal and essence of existence is serving Hashem.
The possible exception to this is when Jewish lives (physical or spiritual) are clearly and obviously at stake and depend on a particular government being elected (or not elected). For example, today in Israel. Or in Russia during the election, in which Frierdiker Rebbe urged Jews to vote against Bolsheviks. Or when the Alter Rebbe supported Alexander I over Napoleon. Today, however, the election of the particular president — though it may be important for the economy, long-term stability of the country and the world, etc., will not have an immediate effect on Jews. So, unless one believes that Obama (or McCain — although, I am not sure, why) being elected will clearly increase the rate of assimilation or will lead to Jewish lives being lost in a direct way (G-d forbid), I don’t see how one can justify obsession with politics.
Also, if someone tells me: “I am actively supporting McCain because Obama being elected will increase chances of nuclear war [or international terrorism, major war against Israel, more Jews succumbing to liberalism, etc.]”, I will not have such a major problem. I also will not have a problem if people are interested in politics as an academic interest, in passing. Yet, most people who support Obama and McCain in the above example do so because they are emotionally involved in the American politics (“Baruch Obama”, [censored]), because they identify with the particular candidate not from Jewish point of view, or because they intellectually agree with him, but because they are emotionally invested. This is a major problem.