הרב ברנד שליט”א – לא רק בעל תלמוד

ורוח א-לקים מרחפת על פני המים

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רמז בתורה שהתכלת יתגלה לפני ביאת המשיח ● הסיבה הטבעית לזה, משום שזה הכנה לביאת המשיח, שכבר בארנו שצריך לעשות השתדלות טבעית להקמת ממשלה ע”פ תורה, ולא כמו שחושבים שהכל יבוא מעצמו מן השמים…

13:45 (24/08/09) מכון בריתי יצחק ● הרב יצחק ברנד

ע’ רש”י על הפסוק שכתב שרוח א-לקים הכוונה כסא הכבוד עומד באויר ומרחף על פני המים ברוח פיו של הקב”ה ובמאמרו, כיונה המרחפת על הקן.

וענין מרחף ע’ ברש”י על הפסוק בפרשת האזינו כנשר יעיר קינו על גוזליו ירחףאינו מכביד עצמו עליהם אלא מחופף, נוגע ואינו נוגע.

והנה כסא הכבוד, הוא של תכלת כמו שאמרו חז”ל שהתכלת דומה לים וים דומה לרקיע ורקיע דומה לאבן ספיר ואבן ספיר דומה לכסא הכבוד, שנאמר ויראו את א-לקי ישראל ותחת רגליו כמעשה לבנת הספיר וכעצם השמים לטוהר, (חולין פט.)

וא”כ מרומז כאן, שלפני ביאת המשיח ובנין בית המקדש, שמרומז בפסוק ויאמר א-לקים יהי אור ויהי אור (ע’ באור החיים הקדוש ריש התורה פירוש הכ”ב, שמרומז על מלך המשיח וכן ע’ בראשית רבה שמרומז על בית המקדש,) יתגלה התכלת.

אולם בגדר מרחפת, הכוונה נוגע ואינו נוגע, וזה ענין, שהיום התכלת לא לובשים רק חלק של כלל ישראל וחלק לא לובשים וזה ענין של נוגע ואינו נוגע.

והסיבה הטבעית שצריך שהתכלת יתגלה לפני ביאת המשיח, משום שזה הכנה לביאת המשיח, שכבר בארנו בכמה מאמרים, שצריך לעשות השתדלות טבעית להקמת ממשלה ע”פ תורה, ולא כמו שחושבים שהכל יבוא מעצמו מן השמים, ולכן כל אלו שחושבים שהכל יבוא מעצמו מן השמים, אינן לובשים תכלת, כי יאמרו שיבוא משיח צדקנו והוא כבר יגלה לנו מה התכלת, אולם הדבר טעות גמור, שאין לנו לסמוך על ניסים מן השמים וצריך לעשות השתדלות טבעי, ולכן אלו שיודעים יסוד זה שצריך לעשות השתדלות טבעי, יותר מתחשבים עם גילוי התכלת ארגמן קהה קוצים (ולא הדיונון של רדזין)

וממילא כיון שכבר לבשו תכלת ונתחזק אצלם שצריך לקדם הגאולה ע”פ דרך הטבע, ממילא מוכנים ג”כ לעשות השתדלות טבעי לקדם להקים ממשלה ע”פ תורה.

ומזה יש כאן רמז שרק חלק של כלל ישראל ילבשו התכלת, בא ללמדינו, שלא יפול רוח האדם מללבוש תכלת בגלל שרואה הרבה יהודים גם תלמידי חכמים שלא לובשים תכלת, כי כך הנהגת הקב”ה, וכל מי שרואה שזה נכון שזה התכלת, ישים בבגדו ולא יבוש מפני המלעיגים עליו בעבודת הבורא (ע’ רמ”א ריש השו”ע).

נכתב בעה”י עש”ק פ’ ראה תשס”ח כאן עה”ק עמנואל

מאתר בריתי יצחק – הרב יצחק ברנד, כאן.

Luck Is Just a Word

Are Highly Paid People Just Lucky?

One of the most influential theories in contemporary political philosophy is “luck egalitarianism.” The late G.A. Cohen stated the position in this way, in his Rescuing Justice and Equality (Harvard, 2008):

People with greater-than-average talents and abilities should not in justice receive more wealth and income than others, even if their work is more productive and valuable than their less-fortunately-endowed coworkers. People do not deserve the abilities by which they surpass others, and my own animating conviction … [is] that an unequal distribution whose inequality cannot be vindicated by some choice or fault or desert on the part of (some of) the relevant affected agents is unfair, and therefore, pro tanto, unjust, and that nothing can remove that particular injustice.

In brief, if you earn a great deal of money in a free market economy, you “lucked out”: you happen to have a set of abilities and personal traits that enable you to supply consumers with what they want to buy. It is not that you deserve to have these desirable traits: you just happen to have them.

Faced with this argument, how have defenders of the free market responded? One approach is to challenge the luck egalitarian’s claim that you do not morally deserve to profit from your talents and abilities. David Schmidtz, a classical liberal philosopher at the University of Arizona, argues that if you work to develop your talents, you do deserve to benefit from them. In his Elements of Justice, Schmidtz attacks with great force the luck egalitarian’s notion of desert. According to the view he condemns, any element of luck in someone’s achievement renders what he has done undeserving. But why accept so demanding a view? On it, no one could ever qualify as deserving anything, since some degree of luck enters every chain of causes. We should adopt instead a “nonvacuous conception of desert, [where] there will be inputs that a person can supply, and therefore fail to supply.”

Schmidtz suggests it might be more useful to view desert as forward looking. If one is given an opportunity, why not ask, what can I now do that will make it the case that I have made good use of what I have on hand? If I do make good use of my opportunity, then in a defensible sense I deserve it. Another acceptable use of the concept is to ask, “What did I do to deserve this? … the question will have a real answer” If, however, the question is, “What did I do, at the moment of the Big Bang, to deserve this, the answer is, ‘Nothing. So what?’”

Robert Nozick parried the luck egalitarian in another way. Even if you do not morally deserve to profit from your natural talents, you are entitled to your superior wealth and income, so long as you obtain these though a just system of property acquisition and transfer.

These responses are both in my view cogent, but they do not challenge the fundamental premise of luck egalitarianism. They do not question the contention that, to the extent possession of wealth or income stems from luck, that is at least a point against it. Schmidtz says that good luck does not prevent you from deserving what you get and Nozick says that entitlement makes luck irrelevant. But neither claims that there is nothing questionable about luck’s playing a major role in explaining why some people are much wealthier than others.

The great British philosopher Elizabeth Anscombe, who was not a libertarian, did exactly this: In an essay, “Prolegomenon to a Pursuit of the Definition of Murder,” she says: “inequality in respect of possessions or social status or prestige is not of itself something that needs justification. The idea of generally justifying it on grounds of merit is merely laughable. It is a matter of luck. Its existence neither has nor stands in need of justification, either in itself or prima facie. Thus where there is an objection to an inequality of advantage, we want to know what the objection is — it has not been given already in calling the inequality inequality.” (The essay appears in her Human Life, Action and Ethics, pp. 253–54.) Her comment unfortunately is not developed further but rather given as a passing remark.

Anscombe has here penetrated to the heart of the mater, with her characteristic incisiveness. Even if luck is responsible for inequality, so what? What is the matter with that? I called the passage to the attention of a well-known philosopher, strongly egalitarian in his views, and he commented; “The remark is typically clear and forceful — and plausible.” As his response was made in private correspondence, I will leave it to readers to guess who said it. I will add only, “you’d be surprised.”

From Lew Rockwell, here.

Women’s Wisdom

In this country, we are apt to let children romp away their existence, till they get to be thirteen or fourteen. This is not well. It is not well for the purses and patience of parents; and it has a still worse effect on the morals and habits of the children. Begin early is the great maxim for everything in education. A child of six years old can be made useful; and should be taught to consider every day lost in which some little thing has not been done to assist others.

Frummer Than Me Is a Fanatic; Less Frum Is an Apikores!

Broadmindedness

How narrow his vision, how cribbed and confined!
How prejudiced all of his views!
How hard is the shell of his bigoted mind!
How difficult he to excuse!

His face should be slapped and his head should be banged;
A person like that ought to die!
I want to be fair, but a man should be hanged
Who’s any less liberal than I.

Government, Graft, Geneivah and Gornisht

Four Mental Images That Immunize Sensible People — But Not Economists — Against Keynesian Economics

Gary North

March 8, 2010

 

Four images provide the conceptual tools to refute Keynesian economics: the gun, the wallet, the IOU, and the printing press. Recall them every time you read a Keynesian promotion of the latest government spending plan. Let me explain.

Think of yourself as engaged in a public debate. If you want to undermine an intellectual opponent in a debate, find his system’s central weak point and latch onto it like a bulldog. Never let it go. Make sure the audience leaves the debate with your refutation in their minds.

In preparing for a debate, remember this principle of effective communication: “It is easier to forget a formula than a mental image.”

Academic economists love formulas. This is their great vulnerability. Unlike formulas in physics, economists’ formulas conceal profound conceptual errors that simple mental images reveal as utter nonsense. The average person can readily comprehend these errors through the use of simple mental images. But academic economists are deliberately trained in graduate school to ignore these images. They are easily blinded by formulas. This puts them at a disadvantage in public debate, especially when debating members of the one school of economics that does not use formulas: Austrian School economics. I will now offer a demonstration of this principle of debate.

KEYNESIANISM’S CENTRAL FORMULA

The account of Keynesian economics on Wikipedia is a good place to begin. Here, we read of the textbook Keynesian formula:

In scientific notation, the Keynesian Formula consists of the following make-up:

C + I + G + X – M = Y(GDP)
which means:

Consumption + Investment + Government Spending + Exports – Imports = Gross Domestic Product

This is standard stuff. Start here.

Spending is the heart of Keynesian economics — aggregate spending. Consumption (C) is a series of society-wide individual allocation decisions. Investment (I) is a series of society-wide individual allocation decisions. Exports (X) are a series of society-wide individual allocation decisions. It is the same for imports.

Government spending is an allocation decision of a different kind. “See this gun? See where it is pointed? Hand over your wallet.”

The student can see that total spending is based on all the letters of the formula. C, I, X, and M all begin with the original owners of resources. But G does not begin with the original owners. G begins with the new owner after multiple transactions with the gun.

G does not create. G confiscates. G cannot spend anything that it did not extract from consumers or investors.

C, I, X, and M are based on production. They are creative forces. G is based on confiscation. It is not a creative force. Everything spent by G comes at the expense of C, I, X, or M . When G spends, it does so at the expense of the others.

A bright student is smart enough to figure out what most people do when constantly threatened with robbers with guns, even if the robbers carry badges. They will not put all of their money in their wallets. They will hide some of their currency. They will not spend it. People who carry badges and guns call this currency hoarding. This is a Very Bad Thing, we are assured.

BORROWING FROM PETER TO SUBSIDIZE PAUL

Here is where Keynes came to the rescue of governments everywhere. He has the government offer to write IOU’s that pay interest. “Put away the guns. Write IOU’s.”

Only very clever students will ask these two obvious questions:

1. Where will the government get the money to pay off the loans with interest?2. Where will people get the money to lend to the government?

The politicians’ answers to the first question is easy: (1) we will hire more men with badges and guns; (2) we will write more IOU’s. But these are not answers. They are variations of kick the can.

Then Keynes added this: “print more money.” He specifically taught that real wages would fall along with purchasing power in times of price inflation. Labor union members would accept these lower wages, he taught. This would lead to greater employment: lower wages mean more labor demanded. He implicitly assumed that labor union members are stupid, and so are the economists they hire to negotiate.

What about the second question? Where will lenders get the money? Keynes’ answer made superficial sense in world back when people hoarded gold (United States) or currency (everywhere else). That was true prior to the FDIC (1934). After 1934 in the USA, the argument made no sense. Currency hoarders started to deposit their money in banks. The banks then lent this money. Henceforth, the government could write lots of IOU’s and run large deficits, but the money it received as loans came from the bank accounts of lenders. The borrowers at the banks of these lenders would be shut out.

Aggregate spending would not change. Keynesian theory collapses.

Even in the first case — currency hoarding — the argument made no economic sense in 1933. When prices fall in response to hoarding — an increased demand for currency — the currency gets spent. Sellers say: “Have I got a deal for you!” Former hoarders spend. If prices are flexible downward — and in a free market, they are — then government does not need to write IOU’s to get people spending again. It needs to remove legal restrictions on making good deals: tariffs, quotas, and price floors.

Once a student understands this, the teacher can move from logic to rhetoric: persuasion through imagery.

SUBSTITUTE IMAGES FOR FORMULAS

Here is the Wiki entry for government spending.

Government spending or government expenditure consists of government purchases, which can be financed by seigniorage, taxes, or government borrowing. It is considered to be one of the major components of gross domestic product.John Maynard Keynes was one of the first economists to advocate government deficit spending as part of a fiscal policy to cure an economic contraction. In Keynesian economics, increased government spending is thought to raise aggregate demand and increase consumption.

Here, I suggest the following. Ask the question again: “How does the government get the money out of the lenders’ wallets or bank accounts without reducing their spending?”

Keep mentioning the wallet. People understand wallets. They do not really understand formulas. Keep mentioning the printing press. They understand counterfeiting.

The student should always have a mental image of a gun, a wallet, an IOU, and a printing press. A formula does not convey knowledge effectively. A mental picture does. People forget formulas faster than they forget mental pictures.

The heart of Keynesian is economics is here: the attribution of autonomous economic productivity to the agency with the gun. Somehow, government can increase aggregate spending (1) without producing anything new and (2) without reducing spending somewhere else in the economy. Keynes never explained how this is possible. Neither have his disciples.

Here is the heart of the the Keynesian error: “G can be increased without subtracting from C, I, X, and M.” It is easy to show this from the formula. But it’s still a formula. Try to turn the formula into a mental image.

Tell the student, “When you see G, think ‘gun.'” This mental image undermines the authority of the formula.

A grifter is a con man who uses fake promises as a way to scam victims. If more students knew what a grifter is, you could say: “When you see G, think ‘gun,’ ‘grifter,’ and ‘graft.'”

The student thinks, “This can’t be all there is to Keynesian economics.” But it is. He thinks, “Someone would have pointed this out in 1936 if this were all there is to it.” Hardly anyone did. The few who did were not believed after 1948, the year Paul Samuelson’s Economics textbook was published.

How could this be the case? Because of what George Orwell observed in 1946, the same year that Keynes died. “To see what is in front of one’s nose needs a constant struggle.”

Be the child at the parade, crying out: “The emperor has no clothes.” Start with the simplest explanation — visual — at the heart of Keynes’ colossal error. Don’t let go.

Start with the gun, the wallet, the IOU, and the printing press. The formula is merely window dressing for economists.

From Gary North, here.