Staring Into the Abyss: What McCain Actually Was

Child of the State, Man of War

And now, John Sidney McCain, III is a corpse in a morgue awaiting his state burial. It is as it should be, perhaps for the first time in his entire life.

McCain – the holy terror of teenager and Naval Academy cadet, mad pilot and poster child for the horrors of the towering enemy we faced for our very survival as a Republic in Vietnam, and political animal for much of his life – clearly was not at home in this world.

In a world filled with people who are all pretty much accountable on a daily basis for their decisions, choices, actions, and for the pain they have and are causing, John McCain was missing from his post.

Instead, as a son of a successful Naval commander, he path was not entirely his own, and yet he did, repeatedly, choose that path.  His biggest tragedy may have been that he was the namesake of a distinguished military family.   Certainly, the life of his younger brother Joe Pinckney McCain is a testament to how being born into service of the state doesn’t have to result in the deaths of so many for so long.

Where failures and character flaws occur in all families, when they occur in the important chapter of the national narrative called “Military Heroism And Sacrifice In The Name Of National Greatness And Security,” something must be done.

And what was done?  Props, propaganda and prose all came forth, and we aren’t done being propagandized and prosed to death just yet.  The funeral is coming.

While much has been written about John McCain, it’s the stories we haven’t been told that bother most people.  How he made it through the Academy one our dime with massive numbers of demerits and low academic performance, how he avoided courts martials and discharge from the Navy after the first two plane crashes and flying through the telephone lines in Spain, all before the interesting roles he played on the deck of the USS Forrestal before, during and after it burned.

The story of being shot down, likely by friendly fire, and his subsequent capture and torture by the “North” Vietnamese (a state construct in its own right) is rarely told in detail, but rather bundled in the official narrative under “courage.”  His divorce of his first wife and disconnect from his first family – understandable because of what war, separation and the stress of a military society do to human beings – is not discussed.  Nor are the personal, political and financial machinations that led to his first Congressional seat, and shortly thereafter, a secure Senate seat for Arizona, a seat he has held since this weekend.

From being a savior of the A-10 Warthog program, refusing to allow it a natural death — ironically the aircraft known for causing the most friendly fire and civilian deaths — to saving Obamacare from the breach, to reliably supporting projects to change governments overseas, all while waging low-level but steady combat against liberty and the Constitution at home, McCain was a busy man, and a well-connected, well-funded politician.

The actions of McCain as Senator are legion, and while no doubt people of various political stripes may find at least one or two things to laud in his progressive neoconservative warmongering and state-strengthening agenda in over three decades, in reality, he earned no loyalty.  This glowing yet strangely surreal obit by Jeff Goldberg of the leftward progressive and warmongering Atlantic says it all – and has it all wrong.

Goldberg links John McCain to Anne Frank – someone who cares about the underdog and has a deep moral compass.  To study John McCain’s life and times would lead one to conclude many things, but that he cares about the underdog and was guided by a deep sustaining morality would not be among them.

A better way to understand John McCain is to see him for what he really was and what he never escaped, although in his wistful moments one wonders if he dreamed of it.  He was a child of the state, the military state specifically.  He was the namesake of men who fought for the state, sacrificed their principles and families for the state, he was schooled by the state, both in the many military base schools he attended as a child, then the Naval Academy, later the US Navy, even later a prison camp – and in all of these places John McCain was treated and handled just a little bit different than the average Joe.  In every way, he owed his very life and his very liberty to the fact that he was deeply connected to the elites who are the shining beneficiaries of the American empire.

Later, as long-serving Senator and presidential candidate he became one of those elites in his own right and earned every drip of contempt by the thinking people — and every plaudit by state mouthpieces — on his own merit.

I’ll never forget a story I heard, where, in the privacy of an elevator (with some people who didn’t count as witnesses) McCain repeatedly jabbed a fellow Senator in the chest while making his point and/or intimidating his inferior.   Even after he learned to box at the Academy, as Robert Timburg writes, he “would charge into the center of the ring and throw punches until someone went down.”  For a national narrative that likes physical courage and loves the quick fighter, McCain was tailor-made.

Timburg, in writing about McCain’s Naval Academy days, was extraordinarily prescient.  McCain was “…an unofficial trail boss for a lusty band of carousers and partygoers known as the Bad Bunch.”  That lusty band of carousers and partygoers we have seen before in our lives.  When that group persists for decades and rules an empire, it is because they are consistently protected from the consequences of their own decisions and actions.

Joe McCain, John’s younger brother, took a different path, where he would not become rich or powerful, where he would be accountable for his decisions and actions.  He is not lauded in the media, and in fact, was ridiculed when brother John was running for President in 2008 for calling 911 to find out what was happening in a traffic jam on the Wilson Bridge.

Both were children of the state.  Joe called 911 innocently, because why not, it’s there to serve me!  John rained hell on governments and populations around the planet, including his own, for similar reasons.  It’s a kind of entitlement mentality, and it is as understandable as it is deeply immoral.

In John McCain’s lifetime, the US Government has nearly quadrupled in size and scope, while popular trust in government has collapsed.   Solutions to local and global problems today, however, are far more accessible to far more people.  Today, no one would call 911 for a traffic report when they have real time traffic mapping in their cars, and a full range of productive things to do while waiting.  Technology and human nature both favor decentralization and individualism whenever they can get it, preferring liberty over lockstep marching in spitshined boots and buckles that young John resented so much at the USNA.

Perhaps he had an inkling about the future after all.

From Lewrockwell.com, here.

The State of Diaspora Orthodox Jewry

In a major center of so-called Orthodox Jews outside the land of Israel:

  • Men work a full day on Friday, park their cars as Shabbos arrives, then walk to shul by foot.
  • Boys and girls of all ages are given entirely unfiltered smartphones so “they are exposed to the world”.
  • Youth are sent to a papist Catheterlick (Catholic) prep school for a year before going on to college.

All of this is considered normal and in no need of change.

Money Does Buy Happiness!

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Reuters

Americans have a peculiar conviction that the one thing money can’t give us is satisfaction. You can’t buy happiness, we’ve all been told. “Mo Money Mo Problems”, Biggie concurred. And while we can all agree that desperate poverty is hideous, there is a broadly held view that after a certain level of income (around $75,000, say), more money doesn’t buy more well-being.

But it’s just not so. Economists Betsey Stevenson and Justin Wolfers have been arguing for years that, yes, richer families tend to be happier, and no, there is not an automatic cut-off point. In other words: Mo money, fewer problems.

Continue reading…

From The Atlantic, here.

The Prohibition Against Tight-Fitting Pants ‘In Our Time’

Shulchan Aruch Even Ha’ezer 23:6:

אסור לרכוב על בהמה בלא אוכף. הגה – בגמרא פרק כל היד משמע דאסור ללבוש מכנסיים אם לא עשויין כבתי שוקיים, משום דמביא לידי השחתת זרע, ואע”פ שאפשר לדחות דבגמרא לא קאמר אלא בימיהם שהיה להם תרומה ואיכא למיחש לטומאת הגוף, מכל מקום מדהביא הרא”ש בפסקיו משמע דאף בזמן הזה אסור. ומה שנהגו היתר במרחץ, אפשר לומר דבשעה מועטת לא אסרו, כן נראה לי. עוד אסרו בגמרא לרחוץ עם אביו ואחיו ובעל אמו ובעל אחותו, ונהגו עכשיו היתר בדבר הואיל ומכסין ערותן בבית המרחץ ליכא למיחש להרהורא.

(The Pischei Teshuvah there explains a different possible difference between the periods, rejecting the Rema’s farfetched one, see inside for yet another example of the terrible trend by the Rema toward “custom” and away from the Gemara.)

So, it’s not just the wild-eyed so-called Tznius literature purveyors, anymore…

A Missed Opportunity

We have said so before already.

For as long as Israeli arabs remain here, it’s forbidden to harm them, besides being counterproductive. But the state, by criminalizing the private supply of  genuine security services, and at the same time, doing a horrible job of providing Arabs with security, themselves, are exposing regular Arabs to crime. Neither “Right” nor Left desire to improve things (for fear of false appearances of persecution), the same way they don’t make them pay all taxes (and their own sectorial parties do nothing about it either).

From 972 Mag:

The Arab public wants better policing — and Israeli police don’t care

Israel’s state comptroller released recommendations for improving policing in Arab communities. But none of them seem to address the real problem: police indifference.

By Nisreen Salameh Shahbari

Palestinians citizens of Israel participate in a vigil in the town of Ramle marking the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women, on November 25, 2015. (Yotam Ronen)

 

On a cold February morning this year, my four-year-old son’s daycare was broken into. Sights of happy children singing and drawing were replaced with photos of horrific destruction and looting. This was the third break-in at Daburiyya, an Arab village east of Nazareth, that month. Previous incidents included an armed robbery in broad daylight, during which a person was shot and severely injured.

In a radio segment discussing the incident, police claimed they are handling all criminal activity in the village without delay, and that in cases where the investigation is paused or unsolved, it is because residents are refusing to cooperate. This is a known accusation that is too often regurgitated, a “golden ticket” used by police to explain their incompetence in enforcing the law in Arab communities. When pieced together, the daily acts of violence, from murder to vandalism, reflect a sad reality for 20 percent of the country’s population.

Two years ago, in an attempt to improve the sense of personal safety among Arab citizens, the government established a community policing center in my village. As many Arabs, I, too, hoped that building police stations near crime hotspots will lead to results. But when the police were slow to respond to the above-mentioned crimes, our hope dissipated.

Last week, at the height of the Arab community’s struggle against the Jewish Nation-State Law, the state comptroller released an evaluation of how police manage illegal firearms and shootings in Arab communities. For us, Arabs, the acute flaws in police conduct which were pointed out in the report were far from new. The report’s main contribution was the detailed data outlining Arab citizens’ deep lack of trust in law enforcement, and the sense of abandonment they have grown accustomed to.

Trump proved you can garner a large number of votes by saying you will “solve” a sore issue other distant politicians claim does not exist. This electoral opportunity is foolish to ignore.

Continue reading on 972 Mag here.