Don’t Upset Complex Systems Without Prophecy

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06/09/2018
David Gordon

Skin in the Game: Hidden Asymmetries in Daily Life
Nassim Nicholas Taleb
Random House, 2018

To review Skin in the Game is a risky undertaking. The author has little use for book reviewers who, he tells us, “are bad middlemen. … Book reviews are judged according to how plausible and well-written they are; never in how they map the book (unless of course the author makes them responsible for misrepresentations).”

The risk is very much worth undertaking, though, because Skin in the Game is an excellent book, filled with insights. These insights stress a central antithesis. Irresponsible people, with what C.D. Broad called “clever silly” intellectuals prominent among them, defend reckless policies that impose risks on others but not on themselves. They have no “skin in the game,” and in this to Taleb lies their chief defect.

Interventionist foreign policy suffers from this defect. “A collection of people classified as interventionistas … who promoted the Iraq invasion of 2003, as well as the removal of the Libyan leader in 2011, are advocating the imposition of additional such regime change on another batch of countries, which includes Syria, because it has a ‘dictator’. So we tried that thing called regime change in Iraq, and failed miserably. … But we satisfied the objective of ‘removing a dictator.’ By the same reasoning, a doctor would inject a patient with ‘moderate’ cancer cells to improve his cholesterol numbers, and proudly claim victory after the patient is dead, particularly if the postmortem showed remarkable cholesterol readings.”

But what has this to do with risk? The fallacy of the interventionists, Taleb tells us, is that they disregard the chance that their schemes will fail to work as planned. A key theme of Taleb’s work is that uncertain outcomes mandate caution.

“And when a blowup happens, they invoke uncertainty, something called a Black Swan (a high-impact unexpected event), … not realizing that one should not mess with a system if the results are fraught with uncertainty, or, more generally, should avoid engaging in an action with a big downside if one has no idea of the outcomes.”

The same mistaken conception of risk affects economic policy. “For instance, bank blowups came in 2008 because of the accumulation of hidden and asymmetric risks in the system: bankers, master risk transferors, could make steady money from a certain class of concealed explosive risks, use academic risk models that don’t work except on paper … then invoke uncertainty after a blowup … and keep past income — what I have called the Bob Rubin trade.”

Instead of relying on mathematical models, economists should realize that the free market works. Why use misguided theory to interfere with success in practice? “Under the right market structure, a collection of idiots produces a well-functioning market. … Friedrich Hayek has been, once again, vindicated. Yet one of the most cited ideas in history, that of the invisible hand, appears to be the least integrated into the modern psyche.”

Upsetting a complex system like the free market, can have disastrous consequences. Given this truth, libertarianism is the indicated course of action. “We libertarians share a minimal set of beliefs, the central one being to substitute the rule of law for the rule of authority. Without necessarily realizing it, libertarians believe in complex systems.”

Taleb greatly admires Ron Paul, the foremost libertarian in politics, and he is one of two people to whom the book is dedicated. (Ralph Nader is the other.) Ron Paul grasps Taleb’s fundamental lesson that misguided theory should not supplant what has stood the test of time. “The insightful and luckily nonacademic historian Tom Holland … wrote: ‘The Romans judged their political system by asking not whether it made sense but whether it worked,’ which is why while dedicating this book, I called Ron Paul a Roman among Greeks.”

One common objection to the free market is that it allows powerful corporations to dominate people. Taleb’s response converges with that of Murray Rothbard: “There are two ways to make citizens safe from large predators, say, big powerful corporations. The first one is to enact regulations — but these, aside from restricting individual freedoms, lead to another predation, this time by the state, its agents, and their cronies. … The other solution is to put skin in the game in transactions, in the form of legal liability, and the possibility of an efficient lawsuit. The Anglo-Saxon world has traditionally had a predilection for the legal approach instead of the regulatory one; if you harm me, I can sue you. This has led to the very sophisticated, adaptive, and balanced common law, built bottom-up, by trial and error.”

Rothbard held the same view. In his pathbreaking monograph “Law, Property Rights, and Air Pollution,” he remarks: “There are, of course, innumerable statutes and regulations that create illegality besides the torts dealt with in common-law courts. We have not dealt with laws such as the Clean Air Act of 1970 or regulations for a simple reason: None of them can be permissible under libertarian legal theory. In libertarian theory, it is only permissible to proceed coercively against someone if he is a proven aggressor, and that aggression must be proven in court (or in arbitration) beyond a reasonable doubt. Any statute or administrative regulation necessarily makes actions illegal that are not overt initiations of crimes or torts according to libertarian theory. Every statute or administrative rule is therefore illegitimate and itself invasive and a criminal interference with the property rights of noncriminals.”

Another complaint against the free market stems from “behavioral economics.” Consumers, it is alleged, often act in an irrational way against their own best interests. Hence the benevolent action of bureaucratic experts is required to “nudge” people into rationality. Taleb responds. “We have survived in spite of tail risks; our survival cannot be that random.” (Tail events are “extreme events of low frequency,” i.e., the Black Swans mentioned earlier.) The supposed “mistakes” that the behavioral economists allege people commit often are good ways to cope with tail risks.

Continue reading…

From Mises.org, here.

Gilad Alper: One More Reason to Reject US Military Aid

American Libertarians VS Israel

Barack Obama is considered by many to be hostile to Israel and there’s a general hope among Israelis for the Republican Party to win the 2016 presidential elections. However, the Republican Party is changing and there may come a day when Israelis will miss the Obama presidency.

The sluggish economic recovery from the 2008 recession and US continuous intervention in the Middle East are strengthening the Libertarian movement within the Republican Party. Libertarians believe in free-market capitalism, personal liberties, and a small government. All three are admirable principles that could be a blessing for Israel and the entire world.

However, the fly in the ointment as far as Israel is concerned is that US libertarians are also isolationists. They support a massive reduction in the US defense budget and pursue a general retrenchment strategy. And from their perspective they might be right – after all, what did America get from its many entanglements other than an increasing debt load and waves of hostility?

The real thorny point for Israel is that, through no fault of its own, it’s considered by many US libertarians as the poster-boy of US involvement in foreign affairs. Arguably, Israel doesn’t deserve to be on this dubious pedestal. Unlike Japan, South Korea, and Germany, there’s virtually not a single American soldier stationed in Israel.

To be sure, Israel is a major recipient of military aid—to the tune of $3-4 billion a year—but most of this money is spent in the US. It is a symbol of US corporate welfare rather than Israel taking advantage of America. It’s also costing the Israeli weapons industry dearly as it limits commercial relationships with countries the US is not fond of or wants to keep for itself.

Moreover, late Israeli PM Ariel Sharon objected to the 2003 invasion of Iraq out of fear that the war would destabilize the area. Recent events in Iraq and Syria prove he was right. Recent events also demonstrate, very convincingly, that Israel was never the root cause of instability in the region.

At any rate, the strong resentment libertarians feel towards US foreign policy manifests itself in hatred towards Israel. I use the word “hatred” intentionally: One need only peruse libertarian-leaning websites such as Zerohedge or antiwar.com to see the vile anti-Israel attitude that flourishes there. In fact, these sites are sometimes so nasty and nonsensical, that they can only thinly disguise anti-Semitic sentiments.

Israel might be facing a dangerous political pincer movement in the near future. As Obama’s actions demonstrate, the Democratic Party is moving left and is becoming increasingly hostile to Israel, as Obama’s presidency demonstrates. On the other side of it, the Republican Party is becoming, if not outright hostile, increasingly indifferent.

Time to Give Up Aid and Brace for the Future

What can Israel do? There’s nothing Israel can do about the hatred coming from the left—it runs too deep and wide. However, something could be done with the Libertarian movement. Firstly, one can hope that unlike the left, libertarians are not monolithic when it comes to Israel. More importantly, Jew-hatred is not supposed to be a natural feature of an ideology that espouses liberty.

Perhaps Israel should finally forego the $3bn it receives in military aid every year, much like it did with civilian aid under the first Netanyahu government. It is too easy a weapon for haters and its benefit to Israel is questionable. In addition, Israel should start a dialogue with US libertarians. Sen. Rand Paul’s 2013 visit to the country went almost unnoticed. Such a faux pas must not repeat itself.

Most importantly, Israel has to recognize that the golden age in its relationship with the US is over. New alliances have to be forged. It won’t be easy but the worst thing the country can do is to bury its head in the sand and pretend the world isn’t changing.

From Mida, here.

מדריך לא פוליטיקלי-קורקט לקפיטליזם מאת רוברט מרפי – בעברית

“השיטה החברתית היחידה שבאמת עובדת”: עולם טוב יותר, עולם קפיטליסטי יותר

העורך גלעד אלפר מספר על ספרו החדש של רוברט מרפי, שמציג את אידיאל השוק החופשי באופן בלתי מתפשר ובסגנון נגיש. רכשו את הספר בהנחה מיוחדת לקוראי ‘מידה’

“קפיטליזם היא השיטה החברתית היחידה שבאמת עובדת. הקפיטליזם הוא זה שמיגר את העוני, וחילץ את המין האנושי מחיים קצרים, קשים ומלאי מחלות. הקפיטליזם הוא כל כך אפקטיבי בשיפור רמת החיים, שכיום העשירון התחתון במדינות קפיטליסטיות מרוויח פי עשר מהעשירון התחתון במדינות הכי פחות קפיטליסטיות”.

כך פותח גלעד אלפר, העורך המדעי של “המדריך הלא פוליטיקלי-קורקט לקפיטליזם”, את השיחה על הספר החדש שרואה אור בהוצאת סלע מאיר. ספרו של ד”ר רוברט מרפי לא רק תורגם לעברית, אלא עבר התאמה לקורא הישראלי עם דוגמאות מהחיים היומיומיים בארצנו הקטנה.

אלפר, שעבד על הספר בצוותא עם אורי רדלר, מספר בשיחה עם ‘מידה’ על ייחודו של הספר ועל חשיבותו לקורא הישראלי. “ישנם כמה מאפיינים ייחודיים שגרמו לי להתאהב בספר הזה”, הוא אומר ומסביר כי מדובר בטקסט בלתי מתפשר ששואף להציג את הקפיטליזם באופן טהור יחסית. “ספרים אחרים, גם כאלו שדוגלים בכלכלת שוק חופשי, לא פעם מתייחסים למצב הקיים היום ברוב המדינות, של ריכוזיות ומעורבות ענפה בחיי האזרחים, ומתפשרים אתה, במובן המעשי, וגם התאורטי. הספר הזה מציב אידאל גם במקומות בהם הוא נראה כרגע לא ישים”.

בנוסף לכך אומר אלפר כי סגנונו הייחודי של המחבר הופך את הקריאה לכיפית ונוחה, בניגוד לספרים אחרים בנושא. “הכתיבה של רוברט מרפי קצת דומה לסגנון של בלוגים טובים. בנושא שעלול להיות יבשושי כמו כלכלה, יש לסגנון כזה תועלת רבה עבור אנשים שמתחילים להתעניין בתחום”, הוא מסביר.

יותר שפע, פחות זיהום

כותרת הספר רומזת בבירור על הקשר שבין הקפיטליזם והסלידה מתרבות הפוליטיקלי-קורקט, ואלפר בהחלט מסכים עם האבחנה. “כמובן שישנו חיבור. הרבה פעמים סוציאליסטים מביעים עמדות חברתיות שנראות יפה על הנייר למרות שבפועל הן יוצרות נזק אדיר”, אומר אלפר ומביא כדוגמה את נושא ה- sweatshops, הכינוי למפעלים במדינות עולם שלישי בהם תנאי העבודה קשים.

“קל להתנגד להם ממקום מושבינו במערב, וזה מצטלם יותר טוב לדרוש תנאים הולמים בעבודה ולהתנגד לעבודה של ילדים, אבל בפועל זו הדרך של אוכלוסייה נחשלת לשפר באופן דרמטי את רמת החיים”. אלפר מוסיף כי אם המפעלים האלה היו נסגרים או אם לחלופין הייתה נאסרת עבודה בכאלה תנאים (נניח ללא מזגן, או שעות עבודה ארוכות), הראשונים להיפגע היו אזרחי אותן מדינות, שהיו נופלים לעוני חמור יותר וללא תקווה להתקדמות.

“הרבה פעמים מי שנפגע מהשיח הפוליטיקלי-קורקט אלו דווקא החלשים. הרי מדינות המערב ובראשון אנגליה וארה”ב עברו את אותו תהליך במאה ה-19. למזלם, הם לא נפלו קרבן למתחסדים ממדינות עשירות שניסו לעצור את ההתקדמות הכלכלית שלהם, כדי שאותם מתחסדים ירגישו יותר טוב עם עצמם”.

המשך לקרוא…

מאתר מידה, כאן.