I See Parallels Between Two Stories

First, a story from Rabbi Nachman of Breslov:

מעשה מביטחון שספרה רבינו הקדוש זצוק”ל ליל ד’ אלול תקס”ו פ”ק

ענה ואמר, עוד סיפרתי מעשה מבטחון וזו היא: מלך אחד אמר בלבו מי ימצא שלא יהיו לו לדאוג יותר ממני, כי יש לי כל טוב ואני מלך ומושל, והלך לחקור אחר זה. והיה הולך בלילה והיה עומד אחורי הבתים להקשיב ולשמוע את דברי העולם. והיה שומע דאגות כל אחד, שזה אינו הולך לו כסדר בחנות, ואחר כך הלך לבית אחר, ושמע שיש לו דאגה שהוא צריך להמלכות, וכן שאר כל הדאגות של כל אחד ואחד.

אחר כך הלך וראה בית אחד נמוך עומד בתוך הקרקע והחלונות למטה סמוכים ממש להארץ והגג נופל ונשבר. וראה ששם יושב אחד ומנגן על הכינור שצריך להקשיב מאוד כדי לשמוע את הקול והוא שמח מאוד וקדירה עם משקה עומדת לפניו והמשקה היה יין ומאכלים עומדים לפניו והוא שמח מאוד מלא שמחה בלא דאגה כלל. הלך ונכנס לתוך הבית ושאל בשלומו, והשיבו. וראה הקדירה עם המשקה לפניו והמיני מאכלים והוא רק מלא שמחה, וכיבד את המלך לשתות ושתה אל המלך והיה המלך שותה גם כן למען האהבה, אחר כך שכב [שם המלך] לישון, וראה שהוא אך שמח בלי שום דאגה ובבוקר עמד המלך וגם הוא עמד וליוה את המלך ושאל המלך אותו מאין אתה לוקח כל זאת והשיב לו אני יכול לתקן כל תיקוני הדברים שנתקלקלו (שקורין נאפריווקיס) כי מלאכה שלימה איני יכול רק תיקוני הדברים שנתקלקלו, ואני יוצא בבוקר ואני מתקן איזה דברים וכשאני מקבץ מזה איזה סך חמישה-שישה זהובים אני קונה לי כל אלו הדברים של אכילה ושתיה. כששמע המלך זאת, אמר בליבו אקלקל לו זאת. הלך המלך ונתן כרוז שכל מי שיהיה לו דבר לתקן לא יתן לשום אדם לתקן, רק יתקן בעצמו או יקנה לו הדבר הזה חדשה. בבוקר הלך לשאול אחר תיקוני הדברים ואמרו לו שגזר המלך שלא ליתן לשום אדם לתקן שום דבר וירע בעיניו אך בטח בה’. והלך וראה גביר אחד שחוטב עצים, ושאל אותו: למה אתה חוטב עצים, האם זה כבודך? אמר לו, חזרתי אחר איש שיחטוב עצים ולא מצאתי והוכרחתי לחטוב בעצמי. אמר לו, תן לי ואחטוב עמך, וחטב העצים ונתן לו הגביר זהב אחד, ראה שזה טוב והלך לחטוב עוד עצים עד שקיבץ שישה זהובים וקנה שוב כל הסעודה (ובזה הלשון אמר רבנו ז”ל: “און דיא סעודה איז גיווען א סעודה”), והיה שמח והמלך הלך שוב אחרי חלון ביתו לראות וראה שזה יושב והמשקה והמאכלים לפניו. והוא שמח מאוד, הלך המלך ונכנס לתוך הבית וראה כנ”ל ושכב גם-כן שם כמו הלילה הראשון ובבוקר עמד האיש וליוה את המלך, ושאל לו: מאין אתה לוקח זאת כי זה צריך להוציא עליו ממון? והשיב לו, דרכי היה לתקן כל הדברים שנתקלקלו ואחר-כך גזר המלך שלא ליתן עוד לשום אדם לתקן וחטבתי עצים עד שקיבצתי ממון לזה כנ”ל, והלך המלך מאיתו וגזר שלא ליתן לשום אדם לחטוב עצים. ויהי כאשר בא אל האדם לחטוב עצים והשיב לו, שגזר המלך גזר-דין שלא ליתן לשום אדם לחטוב עצים, וירע בעיניו כי אין כסף. אך בטח בה’. והלך וראה אחד מנקה הדיר, ושאל אותו: מי אתה שתנקה הדיר? השיב לו, חזרתי ולא מצאתי מי שינקה לי והוכרחתי לנקות בעצמי, אמר לו: תן לי ואני אנקה. עמד וניקה אותה ונתן לו שני זהובים, הלך וניקה עוד דירים וקיבץ שישה זהובים וקנה שוב כל הסעודה הנ”ל, והלך לביתו (והסעודה היא סעודה) והיה שמח מאוד. הלך המלך שוב לראות וראה שוב ככל הנ”ל ונכנס לבית כנ”ל. ואחר כך בבוקר ליוה עוד את המלך ושאל אותו המלך שוב כנ”ל, והשיב לו כל הנ”ל. הלך המלך וגזר שלא ליתן לשום אדם לנקות דיר. בבוקר הלך האיש לחזור לנקות דירים והשיבו לו שהמלך גזר על זה כנ”ל. הלך האיש והשכיר לאיש חיל אצל המיניסטער שלוקח חיל למלך כי יש חיל שלוקחין אותם בזרוע מה שמגיע לו מהמדינה ויש חיל ששוכרין אותם והלך הוא והשכיר עצמו לאיש חיל והתנה עם המיניסטער שאינו משכיר עצמו לעולם כי אם לזמן ובכל יום ויום בבוקר יתן לו שכרו והמיניסטער הלביש אותו תיכף בבגדי אנשי חיל ותלה לו חרב בצידו ושלח אותו למקום שצריך, אחר-כך לעת ערב כשעשה כל פעולתו השליך הבגדים מעליו וקנה לו כל הסעודה הנ”ל והלך לביתו (והסעודה היא סעודה) והיה שמח מאוד. הלך המלך שוב לראות וראה שהכל מוכן לפניו והוא שמח מאוד כנ”ל ונכנס לביתו ושכב כנ”ל, ושאל אותו כנ”ל, וסיפר לו ככל הנ”ל. הלך המלך וקרא להמיניסטער וציוה עליו שלא ירים את ידו לשלם מהקאסע (=מהקופה) לשום אדם באותו היום. בבוקר הלך להמיניסטער שישלם לו שכרו עבור היום ולא רצה, ושאל לו: הלוא התניתי עמך שתשלם לי בכל יום? השיב לו, שהמלך גזר שלא לשלם לשום אדם היום. וכל מה שטען עימו לא הועיל, והשיב לו מוטב אשלם לך מחר בעד שני ימים והיום אי אפשר לשלם לך. מה עשה? הלך ושבר חתיכה מהחרב ותיקן שם עץ במקומה ולא היה נראה וניכר מבחוץ כלל, והלך והשכין אותה החתיכה וקנה שוב כל הסעודה הנ”ל (והסעודה היא סעודה) הלך שוב המלך וראה שהשמחה בשלימות כמקודם ונכנס שוב לביתו ושכב שם כנ”ל, ושאל אותו כנ”ל וסיפר לו ככל הנ”ל שהוכרח לשבור הלהב של החרב מן הקתא והשכין אותה כדי לקנות לו צרכי הסעודה, ואחר כך כשאקבל מעות בעד אותו היום אפדה ואתקן את החרב ולא יהיה ניכר כלל, כי אני יכול לתקן כל הדברים שנתקלקלו (ולא יגיע שום היזק להמלך) הלך המלך לביתו וקרא את המיניסטער וציוה עליו באשר שיש חיב מיתה, בכן תקרא אותו האיש חיל ששכרת שיהיה איש חיל ותצוה אותו דיקא שהוא יחתוך ראשו של החיב מיתה הלך המיניסטער ועשה כן, וקרא אותו ובא לפני המלך והמלך ציוה שיתאספו כל השרים כדי לראות השחוק הזה שנמצא איש שנעץ חתיכת עץ במקום החרב והוא בא לפני המלך ויפול לפני רגליו ושאל לו, אדוני המלך על מה נקראתי? אמר לו, כדי לחתוך הראש של החיב מיתה. השיב לו והתחנן לפניו, באשר שמעולם לא שפך דם בכן יקרא אחר לזה. והמלך השיב לו שהוא דוקא מוכרח עתה לשפוך דמו, אמר להמלך וכי יש פסק ברור על זה אולי אין הדין ברור שהוא חיב מיתה ואני לא שפכתי דם מעולם מכל-שכן שאשפוך דם שאינו ברור אם הוא חיב מיתה. השיב לו המלך בודאי הדין ברור שחיב מיתה, כי בודאי יש פסק על זה (שקורין: דעקריט) ועתה מוכרח שאתה דוקא תשפוך דמו. ראה שאי-אפשר לפעול אצל המלך פנה עצמו אל השם יתברך ואמר: “אל שדי אני לא שפכתי דם מעולם ובאם זה האיש אינו חיב מיתה יהיו נעשה מהברזל עץ” וחטף החרב ושלפה מתערה וראו הכל שהוא עץ ונעשה שם שחוק גדול, ראה המלך שהוא איש נאה כזה ופטרו לשלום.

Compare “Miller of Dee“, the kernel dating from around 1762:

Once upon a time there lived on the banks of the River Dee a miller, who was the happiest man in England. He was always busy from morning till night, and he was always singing as merrily as any lark. He was so cheerful that he made everybody else cheerful; and people all over the land liked to talk about his pleasant ways. At last, the king heard about him.

“I will go down and talk with this wonderful miller,” he said. “Perhaps he can tell me how to be happy.”

As soon as he stepped inside of the mill, he heard the miller singing: —

“I envy nobody — no, not I! —
For I am as happy as I can be;
And nobody envies me.”

“You’re wrong, my friend,” said the king. “You’re wrong as wrong can be. I envy you; and I would gladly change places with you, if I could only be as light-hearted as you are.”

The miller smiled, and bowed to the king.

“I am sure I could not think of changing places with you, sir,” he said.

“Now tell me,” said the king, “what makes you so cheerful and glad here in your dusty mill, while I, who am king, am sad and in trouble every day.”

The miller smiled again, and said, “I do not know why you are sad, but I can easily tell why I am glad. I earn my own bread; I love my wife and my children; I love my friends, and they love me; and I owe not a penny to any man. Why should I not be happy? For here is the River Dee, and every day it turns my mill; and the mill grinds the corn that feeds my wife, my babes, and me.”

“Say no more,” said the king. “Stay where you are, and be happy still. But I envy you. Your dusty cap is worth more than my golden crown. Your mill does more for you than my kingdom can do for me. If there were more such men as you, what a good place this world would be! Good-by, my friend!”

The king turned about, and walked sadly away, and the miller went back to his work singing: —

“Oh, I’m as happy as happy can be,
For I live by the side of the River Dee!”

End.

See the historical evolution of “Miller of Dee” on Wikipedia here.

H.L. Mencken Wonders: ‘Tav Lemetav Tan Du’?

“The New Age” chap. 1, “The Transvaluation of Values”:

The gradual emancipation of women that has been going on for the last century has still a long way to proceed before they are wholly delivered from their traditional burdens and so stand clear of the oppressions of men. But already, it must be plain, they have made enormous progress–perhaps more than they made in the ten thousand years preceding. The rise of the industrial system, which has borne so harshly upon the race in general, has brought them certain unmistakable benefits. Their economic dependence, though still sufficient to make marriage highly attractive to them, is nevertheless so far broken down that large classes of women are now almost free agents, and quite independent of the favour of men. Most of these women, responding to ideas that are still powerful, are yet intrigued, of course, by marriage, and prefer it to the autonomy that is coming in, but the fact remains that they now have a free choice in the matter, and that dire necessity no longer controls them. After all, they needn’t marry if they don’t want to; it is possible to get their bread by their own labour in the workshops of the world. Their grandmothers were in a far more difficult position. Failing marriage, they not only suffered a cruel ignominy, but in many cases faced the menace of actual starvation. There was simply no respectable place in the economy of those times for the free woman. She either had to enter a nunnery or accept a disdainful patronage that was as galling as charity.

Nothing could be, plainer than the effect that the increasing economic security of women is having upon their whole habit of life and mind. The diminishing marriage rate and the even more rapidly diminishing birth rates how which way the wind is blowing. It is common for male statisticians, with characteristic imbecility, to ascribe the fall in the marriage rate to a growing disinclination on the male side. This growing disinclination is actually on the female side. Even though no considerable, body of women has yet reached the definite doctrine that marriage is less desirable than freedom, it must be plain that large numbers of them now approach the business with far greater fastidiousness than their grandmothers or even their mothers exhibited. They are harder to please, and hence pleased less often. The woman of a century ago could imagine nothing more favourable to her than marriage; even marriage with a fifth rate man was better than no marriage at all. This notion is gradually feeling the opposition of a contrary notion. Women in general may still prefer marriage, to work, but there is an increasing minority which begins to realize that work may offer the greater contentment, particularly if it be mellowed by a certain amount of philandering.

End. 

But is it really the industrial age, or is it the government’s subsidy of single motherhood?

As he writes in the section titled “Marriage and the Law” on the feminist legal revolution:

This was not always the case. No more than a century ago, even by American law, the most sentimental in the world, the husband was the head of the family firm, lordly and autonomous. He had authority over the purse-strings, over the children, and even over his wife. He could enforce his mandates by appropriate punishment, including the corporal. His sovereignty and dignity were carefully guarded by legislation, the product of thousands of years of experience and ratiocination. He was safeguarded in his self-respect by the most elaborate and efficient devices, and they had the support of public opinion.

Consider, now, the changes that a few short years have wrought. Today, by the laws of most American states—laws proposed, in most cases, by maudlin and often notoriously extravagant agitators, and passerby sentimental orgy—all of the old rights of the husband have been converted into obligations. He no longer has any control over his wife’s property; she may devote its income to the family or she may squander that income upon idle follies, and he can do nothing. She has equal authority in regulating and disposing of the children, and in the case of infants, more than he. There is no law compelling her to do her share of the family labour: she may spend her whole time in cinema theatres or gadding about the shops as she will. She cannot be forced to perpetuate the family name if she does not want to. She cannot be attacked with masculine weapons, e.g., fists and firearms, when she makes an assault with feminine weapons, e.g., snuffling, invective and sabotage. Finally, no lawful penalty can be visited upon her if she fails absolutely, either deliberately or through mere incapacity, to keep the family habitat clean, the children in order, and the victuals eatable.

Now view the situation of the husband. The instant he submits to marriage, his wife obtains a large and inalienable share in his property, including all he may acquire in future; in most American states the minimum is one-third, and, failing children, one-half. He cannot dispose of his real estate without her consent; he cannot even deprive her of it by will. She may bring up his children carelessly and idiotically, cursing them with abominable manners and poisoning their nascent minds against him, and he has no redress. She may neglect her home, gossip and lounge about all day, put impossible food upon his table, steal his small change, pry into his private papers, hand over his home to the Periplaneta americana, accuse him falsely of preposterous adulteries, affront his friends, and lie about him to the neighbours—and he can do nothing. She may compromise his honour by indecent dressing, write letters to moving-picture actors, and expose him to ridicule by going into politics—and he is helpless.

Let him undertake the slightest rebellion, over and beyond mere rhetorical protest, and the whole force of the state comes down upon him. If he corrects her with the bastinado or locks her up, he is good for six months in jail. If he cuts off her revenues, he is incarcerated until he makes them good. And if he seeks surcease in flight, taking the children with him, he is pursued by the gendarmerie, brought back to his duties, and depicted in the public press as a scoundrelly kidnapper, fit only for the knout. In brief, she is under no legal necessity whatsoever to carry out her part of the compact at the altar of God, whereas he faces instant disgrace and punishment for the slightest failure to observe its last letter. For a few grave crimes of commission, true enough, she may be proceeded against. Open adultery is a recreation that is denied to her. She cannot poison her husband. She must not assault him with edged tools, or leave him altogether, or strip off her few remaining garments and go naked. But for the vastly more various and numerous crimes of omission—and in sum they are more exasperating and intolerable than even overt felony—she cannot be brought to book at all.

The scene I depict is American, but it will soon extend its horrors to all Protestant countries. The newly enfranchised women of every one of them cherish long programs of what they call social improvement, and practically the whole of that improvement is based upon devices for augmenting their own relative autonomy and power. The English wife of tradition, so thoroughly a femme covert, is being displaced by a gadabout, truculent, irresponsible creature, full of strange new ideas about her rights, and strongly disinclined to submit to her husband’s authority, or to devote herself honestly to the upkeep of his house, or to bear him a biological sufficiency of heirs. And the German Hausfrau, once so innocently consecrated to Kirche, Kuche und Kinder, is going the same way.

Request for Feedback on Shalom Bayis Pamphlet

Dear Reader,

I would be very grateful if you could click on the following link and fill out my brief questionnaire for people who have read my kuntreisim on the topic of shalom bayis. Whether you found the kuntreisim helpful or not (and in particular if not), your feedback is very important to me.

And if you have any questions, comments, or suggestions about the questionnaire, please do let me know. That, as well, will be very helpful for me.

[Ed. note, find the English Guide to Shalom Bayis for Men here. Author’s email: kuntreisim@gmail.com]

‘Public Servants’? Give Me a Break!

Public Servants or Parasites?

I have a question.  When did politicians and federal employees start calling themselves “public servants”?  Even more importantly, why are we letting them?  It’s almost as if they’re trying to claim the mantle of nobility for making a sacrifice in the public interest.  But I don’t understand what that sacrifice is.  They’re paid better and have better benefits than most private-sector employees.  They’re rarely held accountable for their performance.  Why do we treat them as if they’re serving a higher calling than any other profession in the country?

Take Joe Biden, for example.  He claims to have been in public service for over 50 years.  But what has he done in that time?  He was the first senator to initiate a personal attack on a Supreme Court nominee.  His attack on Robert Bork was shameful, and helped create the current environment of Supreme Court politicization.  He also used the power of his office to enrich his family members.  Exactly how did lunch-bucket Joe become a multimillionaire on the salary of a politician?  I fail to see how that has been a service to the country.

Joe certainly isn’t alone. Was Nancy Pelosi serving the public interests when she withheld COVID-19 relief for months — just to deny President Trump a win?  Was she also serving her constituents when she bought stock in Tesla just days before President Asterisk signed an order directing all agencies to switch to electric cars?  There’s a term for that — “insider trading.”  Being the civic-minded public servant she is, I’m sure she’ll be sharing her windfall with her constituents.

It’s not all about money.  Some politicians have a completely different idea of providing service.  Eric Swalwell placed himself in servitude to a Chinese spy.  Exactly what “service” did Eric provide?  Was it anything that would allow him to claim nobility?  I mean in the U.S. — not in China.

Let’s not forget the bureaucrats that “serve” our nation.  Look at the EPA. They’re good at two things — choking the life out of commerce, and polluting rivers.

In the name of serving the public interest, the IRS targeted the Tea Party, thus silencing their voice in the midst of a presidential campaign.  They also leaked confidential tax records to the press, and provided tax records to the FBI without a warrant.  Isn’t it noble of them to poke us in the eye while taking our money?  Perhaps the next time you’re at the grocery store checkout, the clerk should send your shopping list to child protective services rather than thank you.  It would be the “public servant” thing to do.

Don’t forget the FBI. It’s in a class all by itself.  Our sworn law enforcement agents initiated a coup attempt against a duly elected president.  They set a perjury trap for his national security advisor.  They even falsified evidence to a FISA court.

I’ve heard the arguments that the FBI rank and file are honest and professional.  We shouldn’t blame the whole FBI for a “few bad apples.”  What complete balderdash!  If most of them were honest, where were the whistleblowers during the investigation of President Trump?  As far as being professional, how did they fail to prevent the Boston Marathon bombing — even after they’d received a tip that the Tsarnaevs were up to something?  I have the same question about the Pulse Nightclub massacre.  Was it also just a “few bad apples” that tried to frame Richard Jewell for the Atlanta Olympics bombing?  The FBI even had warnings about the 9/11 attack, yet failed to act.

Of course, our highly professional FBI agents were able to determine that a noose was really a garage-door pull.  It only required 15 agents and five days to make that determination.  That is some cunning police work!  It appears that the FBI is either using their badges to target political enemies, or they’re just a modern-day version of the Keystone Cops in tailored suits.  But sacrificing for the public interest — I’m not seeing it.

These are just a few examples.  The other alphabet soup agencies aren’t any better.  Employees across all federal agencies formed the “resistance” to fight all things Trump.  They gave us four years of leaks and unconfirmed anonymous sources undermining anything Donald Trump tried to accomplish.  They did it all because they decided we needed something other than what we voted for.  How would you rate a waiter that brings you want they want to serve you, not what you ordered?

Spare me the claims of nobility.  Who’s really laboring to benefit the country?  Is it politicians and bureaucrats whose only focus seems to be amassing power and choking commerce?  Or is it the nameless workers who get up at dawn every day to keep this country running.  The real nobility belongs to the farmers who put meals on our tables, the truckers who ensure supplies arrive on time, and the linemen that keep the lights on.  As for our self-proclaimed federal “public servants,” — they’re overpaid employees with lifetime job security, at best.  At worst, they’re parasites on society with aspirations to become our rulers.

The next time a politician or bureaucrat says they’re “serving” me — I have one thing to say: I want my tip back.

From American Thinker, here.